Article18 calls on UNHRC to question Iran over religious freedom violations

Article18 calls on UNHRC to question Iran over religious freedom violations

UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferré

Article18 has submitted a new report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, highlighting the “multiple layers” of religious-freedom violations faced by Christians and other religious minorities in Iran.

The report, released in collaboration with partner organisations Open Doors, CSW, Middle East Concern and The World Evangelical Alliance, lists five ways in which Iranian Christians face violations to their right to freedom of religion or belief:

  1. Through the prohibition of Persian-language church services and religious materials, and forced closure of those that fail to comply.
  2. Through the use of Articles 489, 499 and 500 of the Iranian Penal Code to prosecute Christians for their peaceful religious activities.
  3. Through prosecuting, and in one case executing, Iranians who leave Islam on charges of “apostasy”, and justifying it through the use of Article 220 of the Iranian Penal Code and Article 167 of the Constitution, which allow judges to rely on non-codified Islamic law.
  4. Through the confiscation or forced closure of church properties, including the Assyrian Presbyterian Church in Tabriz in May last year.
  5. Through discrimination against non-Muslims in marriage and inheritance laws, and access to employment and education.

The report includes a table of 29 court cases filed against Christians in 2018 and 2019: 18 had been temporarily released on bail at the publication of the report; five were serving five-year prison sentences; four had been released from prison after completing their sentences; and a further two were detained but not yet charged.

Since the publication of the report, on 29 May, four of those on bail have since commenced serving their own five-year prison sentences, while another, Aziz Majidzadeh, appeared in court yesterday.  

The table is not exhaustive and does not include confidential cases, nor cases that began prior to 2018, including that of Yousef Nadarkhani and the three Christian converts currently serving 10-year prison sentences alongside him.

However the report highlights Yousef’s case elsewhere, as well as that of Victor Bet-Tamraz and his family. Just three days after the report’s publication, Victor, his wife Shamiram and three Christian converts involved in the same court case saw yet another scheduled appeal hearing postponed.

The report also highlights the case against eight Christian converts in Bushehr; the three prison sentences recently given to 65-year-old Anglican Church member Esmaeil Maghrebinezhad in Shiraz; and the forced closures of the Central Church of Tehran, Emmanuel Protestant Church, St Peter’s Evangelical Church and Assemblies of God Church in Jannat Abad.

The report concludes by calling on the Human Rights Committee to question the Iranian government on how its treatment of Christian converts is in line with its commitments as a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), by asking:

  1. How Article 13 of the Iranian Constitution, which recognises only Zoroastrians, Jews and Christians as religious minorities is in line with the provisions of the covenant.
  2. For information on minority faith adherents who wish to practise their faith in the Persian language.
  3. For a response to reports that minority faith adherents are being tried on national security charges for the legitimate practice of their faith.
  4. For clarification on how apostasy charges are in line with Article 18 of the ICCPR, which provides for freedom to choose and change one’s religion.
  5. For reports on how many Christian converts are currently detained on charges relating to national security or apostasy.
  6. For an indication of whether Iran plans to amend its Civil Code to allow non-Muslims to inherit from Muslims or Muslim women to marry non-Muslims.
Christians’ appeal hearing postponed again – this time without excuse

Christians’ appeal hearing postponed again – this time without excuse

Left to right: Victor Bet-Tamraz, his wife Shamiram, Kavian Fallah-Mohammadi, Amin Afshar-Naderi, and Hadi Asgari.

Yet another appeal hearing in the long-running court cases against an Iranian-Assyrian pastor, his wife and three Christian converts was postponed today in Tehran.

Victor Bet-Tamraz, his wife Shamiram Issavi, and converts Hadi Asgari, Kavian Fallah-Mohammadi, and Amin Afshar-Naderi are facing between five and 15 years in prison because of their Christian activities.

But since their sentencing – Victor and the three converts in July 2017 and Shamiram in January 2018 – numerous appeal hearings have been scheduled only to be postponed.

Previous excuses have included the failure to officially summon every defendant; the court being “too crowded”; and the assigning of a new judge to the case.

This time, no excuse was given. Instead, after a long wait at Branch 36 of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in Tehran, Victor, Shamiram and their lawyers were simply told the hearing had been cancelled – their lawyers and those of the three converts weren’t even allowed in to the room. 

Victor and Shamiram’s daughter Dabrina said the lawyers were “actually quite relieved”, as in the hearing just beforehand, another of one of the lawyer’s clients had failed to overturn a 15-year prison sentence.

“They feared that if my parents had their hearing that their sentences would be confirmed as well,” Dabrina told Article18.

No new date has been communicated to them for when the next scheduled hearing may – or may not – take place. 

Ahead of the hearing, Dabrina had spoken of her anxieties; she has previously stated how the ongoing saga is in itself a kind of “torture” to her and her parents.

“Now that we have a new judge, we don’t know how he will react to the details of the case,” Dabrina told Article18 on Friday. “At the previous hearing he assured my parents that he will try to close the case and have it done with as soon as possible. What that means we don’t know.

“I am worried, personally, and my parents, they keep going, they are strong and believe that God’s will will be done.

“The last hearing, in February, which was postponed after they failed to summon Hadi, was before all of this coronavirus situation.

“I think that many things are now on hold due to COVID-19 and I know the prisons are still overcrowded. There’s a lot of instability in the government, but how much it influences the Christian cases we don’t know.

“My parents have tried to keep the social distancing and hygiene measures as best as they can, but if they go to prison, prisons are anyway not healthy environments for elderly people. So going to prison, at their age (Shamiram is 64, Victor 65), with my mum’s heart issues and my dad’s blood pressure issues and other problems, would be unimaginable.”

House-church leaders summoned to begin five-year prison sentences

House-church leaders summoned to begin five-year prison sentences

Left to right: Khalil Dehghanpour, Mohammad Vafadar, Kamal Naamanian, Hossein Kadivar.

Four Iranian converts have been summoned to begin their five-year jail sentences for leading house-churches, for which they were convicted of “acting against national security”.

Hossein Kadivar, Khalil Dehghanpour, Kamal Naamanian and Mohammad Vafadar were summoned on Thursday 28 May and told they must submit themselves at Tehran’s Evin Prison by tomorrow.

They had been awaiting summonses since their appeals were rejected in February.

The four men were sentenced in October 2019, alongside five others from the same house-church network in the northern city of Rasht: Abdolreza (Matthias) Ali-Haghnejad, Shahrooz Eslamdoust, Babak Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Khatibi and Behnam Akhlaghi. 

Those five are already serving their sentences, having been detained since July last year, when they were unable to pay the high bail demanded from them after they insisted on being defended by their own lawyer.

The nine men were arrested in a series of raids on their homes and house-churches in January and February 2019.

Hossein and Khalil were detained following a raid on the house-church meeting they were leading on 29 January; Abdolreza was arrested on 10 February during a raid on his home; Kamal, Mohammad and Shahrooz were arrested at a house-church gathering on 15 February; Babak and Mehdi were arrested at two separate house-churches on 23 February; and Behnam was summoned to the offices of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (Sepah) that same day.

They were each helping to lead services in the absence of their imprisoned pastor Yousef Nadarkhani, alongside whom they will now all be incarcerated in Evin Prison.

Two of them – Abdolreza and Kamal – had been arrested before for their religious activities.

Seven of them – all except Abdolreza and Shahrooz – were released on bail in March 2019, after depositing the equivalent of $13,000 each. Abdolreza and Shahrooz were detained.

Then in July 2019, Abdolreza, Shahrooz, Behnam, Babak and Mehdi had their bail increased tenfold after insisting upon being defended by their own lawyer. 

Judge Mohammad Moghiseh, who has earned the nickname the “Judge of Death” for his harsh treatment of prisoners of conscience, rejected their choice of lawyer and demanded they were defended by a lawyer of the court’s choosing. 

When they refused, the judge increased their bail amount to the equivalent of $130,000 each, and, being unable and unprepared to pay such an amount, they were transferred to Ward 4 of Tehran’s Evin Prison, where they have remained.

The other four decided to defend themselves and were therefore released on their pre-existing bail (the equivalent of $13,000 each) until their next hearing, when the judge accused them of promoting Zionism and said the Bible had been falsified.

On 13 October, all nine men were sentenced to five years in prison, after a hearing on 23 September. 

Their appeals were rejected following a hearing on 25 February 2020.

Report to UN Human Rights Committee on Freedom of Religion or Belief in Iran

Report to UN Human Rights Committee on Freedom of Religion or Belief in Iran

Article18 has submitted a new report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee, highlighting the “multiple layers” of religious-freedom violations faced by Christians and other religious minorities in Iran.

The report, released in collaboration with partner organisations Open Doors, CSW, Middle East Concern and The World Evangelical Alliance, lists five ways in which Iranian Christians face violations to their right to freedom of religion or belief:

  1. Through the prohibition of Persian-language church services and religious materials, and forced closure of those that fail to comply.
  2. Through the use of Articles 489, 499 and 500 of the Iranian Penal Code to prosecute Christians for their peaceful religious activities.
  3. Through prosecuting, and in one case executing, Iranians who leave Islam on charges of “apostasy”, and justifying it through the use of Article 220 of the Iranian Penal Code and Article 167 of the Constitution, which allow judges to rely on non-codified Islamic law.
  4. Through the confiscation or forced closure of church properties, including the Assyrian Presbyterian Church in Tabrizin May last year.
  5. Through discrimination against non-Muslims in marriage and inheritance laws, and access to employment and education.

The report includes a table of 29 court cases filed against Christians in 2018 and 2019: 18 had been temporarily released on bail at the publication of the report; five were serving five-year prison sentences; four had been released from prison after completing their sentences; and a further two were detained but not yet charged.

Since the publication of the report, on 29 May, four of those on bail have since commenced serving their own five-year prison sentences, while another, Aziz Majidzadeh, appeared in court yesterday.  

The table is not exhaustive and does not include confidential cases, nor cases that began prior to 2018, including that of Yousef Nadarkhani and the three Christian converts currently serving 10-year prison sentences alongside him.

However the report highlights Yousef’s case elsewhere, as well as that of Victor Bet-Tamraz and his family. Just three days after the report’s publication, Victor, his wife Shamiram and three Christian converts involved in the same court case saw yet another scheduled appeal hearing postponed.

The report also highlights the case against eight Christian converts in Bushehr; the three prison sentences recently given to 65-year-old Anglican Church member Esmaeil Maghrebinezhad in Shiraz; and the forced closures of the Central Church of TehranEmmanuel Protestant ChurchSt Peter’s Evangelical Church and Assemblies of God Church in Jannat Abad.

The report concludes by calling on the Human Rights Committee to question the Iranian government on how its treatment of Christian converts is in line with its commitments as a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), by asking:

  1. How Article 13 of the Iranian Constitution, which recognises only Zoroastrians, Jews and Christians as religious minorities is in line with the provisions of the covenant.
  2. For information on minority faith adherents who wish to practise their faith in the Persian language.
  3. For a response to reports that minority faith adherents are being tried on national security charges for the legitimate practice of their faith.
  4. For clarification on how apostasy charges are in line with Article 18 of the ICCPR, which provides for freedom to choose and change one’s religion.
  5. For reports on how many Christian converts are currently detained on charges relating to national security or apostasy.
  6. For an indication of whether Iran plans to amend its Civil Code to allow non-Muslims to inherit from Muslims or Muslim women to marry non-Muslims.
Fires at three religious minority sites in days

Fires at three religious minority sites in days

Fires have been reported at three sites belonging to religious minorities, including a Christian cemetery, in just a few days in Iran.

First, on Friday, the director of antisemitism watchdog ADL, Jonathan Greeblatt, tweeted that the tomb of Biblical figures Queen Esther and her cousin Mordecai in Hamedan, west of Tehran, had been “set afire overnight”, meaning that it would have taken place on the anniversary of the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

The next day, Iran International posted video footage of the aftermath of a fire inside a Hindu temple in the southern port city of Bandar Abbas.

Then on Sunday, Manoto News broadcast footage of smoke billowing over the walls of a Christian cemetery in Eslamshahr, just south of Tehran.

The governor of Eslamshahr blamed the cemetery fire on a guard burning grass; the Hindu temple fire was blamed on religious artefacts catching alight; only in the case of Esther and Mordecai’s tomb has there been any accusation of intent, with journalist Farzane Ebrahimzade tweeting that someone had thrown an object at the tomb.

The US Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, Elan Carr, tweeted his condemnation of the alleged attack, noting that it followed threats against the tomb’s existence.

The Alliance for the Rights of All Minorities in Iran (ARAM) reported in February that the Iranian authorities were planning to destroy the tomb and convert the site into a consular office for Palestine.

About 10 years previously, Basijis from the local university threatened to destroy the tomb in retaliation for any attack on the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.

On the day of the fire, and in the days since, a number of antisemitic tweets have been posted using the hashtag #covid1948, alongside calls for a “free” Palestine.

‘Decades-long dehumanisation’

While there is no evidence of any government involvement in any of the weekend’s fires, and the timing may only be coincidental, Iran has been condemned for directing a campaign of hate speech against religious minorities, and thereby inciting attacks and later failing to stand up against the perpetrators.

Speaking to Article18, Kamran Ashtary, executive director of the Amsterdam-based NGO Arseh Sevom, said: “It is not a secret to anyone that the Islamic Republic of Iran, from the first day of the revolution, has had a problem with minorities, especially religious minorities. 

“We’ve seen a decades-long dehumanisation of Baha’i people that has led to harassment, murder, arrests, and marginalisation. In addition, we know that the regime distributes and creates hateful and antisemitic propaganda and tolerates its spread online via servers located in Iran.”

Yesterday the Iranian Parliament approved a bill barring any cooperation with Israel, including the use of any Israeli computer hardware or software. They had also proposed banning any Iranian athletes from competing with their Israeli counterparts, but this was removed at the last minute.

Meanwhile, this coming Friday will be Quds Day in Iran, an annual event established by the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, to express support for Palestine on the last Friday of Ramadan.

Khomeini’s successor Ali Khamenei has regularly spoken out against minorities, including Christian converts, and implicitly given the green light for his security forces to target them.

In a speech in October 2010 he named house-churches among the “critical threats” facing the Islamic Republic, and in June 2017 he went further by saying: “Officers against the soft war [of Western influences] should recognise their duty, make decisions and act in a fire-at-will form.”

As the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) reported at the time, “Iranian officials often refer to Western cultural influences as a ‘soft war’ against their national and religious values”.

Meanwhile, many of the charges levelled against Christians include alleged “actions against national security” and links to “Zionist” groups.

Following his June 2017 speech, renowned Iranian human rights lawyer Shirin Ebadi told CHRI: “Iran’s leader spoke about firing at will only recently, but as a matter of fact, this policy has been in place and enforced for many years. Firing at will means to ignore the law and usher in chaos and anarchy. If someone can fire at will, others will feel they have that right too, and this will only lead to disorder and lawlessness.”

Saeed Peyvandi, a Paris-based sociologist and university professor, told Article18: “The government’s identity-centred discourse and blatant rejection of non-violence have led to a culture of intolerance among some sections of society, especially among pro-government groups. 

“At the same time, in recent years, the judiciary has not taken any serious action against those who harass minorities. Assailants have a kind of judicial immunity for doing what the government cannot do directly, and sanctioned by the words of Mr Khamenei.”

Anglican Church member given third prison sentence

Anglican Church member given third prison sentence

An Iranian Anglican Church member has been re-convicted of membership of a “Zionist Evangelical Christian” group “hostile to the regime”, and convicted of the additional charge of “propaganda against the state”.

Esmaeil Maghrebinezhad, 65, was informed of the verdict on Saturday, 16 May, following a judge’s review of his verdict the previous Saturday at the 1st Branch of the Revolutionary Court in Shiraz.

Judge Seyed Mahmood Sadati reached the same verdict as in his initial February ruling by giving Esmaeil a two-year sentence for “membership of a hostile group”, but added an additional year in prison for “propaganda against the state”.

While it is likely that Esmaeil will only have to serve the longer sentence of two years, he also faces an additional three years in prison for his January conviction at a civil court for “insulting Islam”, which he would have to serve separately.

Esmaeil, who is appealing against all three convictions, initially faced four charges after his arrest in January 2019 – also “apostasy”, for which he could have faced the death sentence.

That charge was dropped during a November 2019 hearing, but the other three charges were found “applicable”, although the charge of “propaganda against the state” was not cited in his 17 February conviction, so it appeared that it had been combined with the other charge of “membership of a hostile group”.

Why the review?

Judge Sadati said he had been unhappy with his initial verdict and wanted to make some “corrections”, giving hope to Esmaeil and his family that the judgment may be quashed.

However, despite the protestations of his lawyer, Farshid Rofoogaran, that Esmaeil had “in no way, shape or form been a member of any hostile organisation”, he was given an even stiffer sentence.

In his ruling, Judge Sadati referred to the findings of the intelligence agents of Iranian armed forces, who were responsible for his arrest, and Esmaeil’s alleged “admission” of guilt – for acknowledging that a Bible verse from the book of Philippians had been sent to his phone by a Christian satellite TV channel. 

A printout of the verse was shown to him in the court, which he acknowledged, after which he was dismissed from the room. 

His lawyer, Mr Rofoogaran, proceeded to argue that the court had not been presented “with one single reason, piece of evidence or document that would justify the verdict issued”.

He added that the indictment was “very vague” and “lacked any supporting statement”, and that Esmaeil’s only “crime” had been to receive a message from a Christian satellite television channel; he hadn’t even forwarded it to anyone.

“Even if those groups that have Telegram or WhatsApp channels are accepted as ‘hostile’,” Mr Rofoogaran said, “receiving messages without forwarding them to anyone else does not constitute membership of that organisation.”

Mr Rofoogaran went on to criticise the way the case had been handled, noting that the principle of “innocent until proven guilty” had not been observed.

Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, pointed out that “Esmaeil’s arrest took place without any prior evidence being found against him. Instead, the intelligence agents went through his personal belongings and tried to dig up evidence against him. The charge that didn’t stick they had to drop; the charges that remain have no legal basis.”

Iranian converts sent to jail, unable to afford bail

Iranian converts sent to jail, unable to afford bail

Ramin Hassanpour, his wife Kathrin Sajadpour, Moslem Rahimi and one other have been sent to Lakan Prison.

Four Iranian converts have been sent to Lakan Prison in the northern city of Rasht, having been unable to afford the bail set for them.

Moslem Rahimi, Ramin Hassanpour and his wife Kathrin Sajadpour, and one other who does not wish to be named were arrested in February for their membership of a house-church. 

They appeared yesterday at Branch 10 of the Revolutionary Court in Rasht, where they were charged. 

The precise nature of the charges against them are as yet unclear, though they are certain to relate to their membership of the house-church, which are deemed by the Iranian regime to be “hostile” entities linked to foreign “Zionist” groups. 

Their bail was set at 500 million tomans each – the equivalent of around $30,000. Being unable to come up with the amount, they were transferred to Lakan Prison.

Ramin and Kathrin have two sons – one of whom is 16 years old and is now staying at home by himself, and the other just seven years old and who has therefore gone to stay with his grandfather.

The four arrested are part of the Rasht branch of the “Church of Iran”, a non-Trinitarian group, which has been especially targeted by the Iranian authorities.

Of the 15 Iranians currently detained on charges relating to the practice of the Christian religion, 13 are from the “Church of Iran” in Rasht, including pastor Yousef Nadarkhani, who was once sentenced to death for apostasy.

The other two are from Tehran: Nasser Navard Gol-Tapeh, 58, and Majidreza Souzanchi.

All apart from Majidreza and the newly detained quartet are in Tehran’s Evin Prison. Majidreza was recently moved from Evin to the Greater Tehran Prison, upon the completion of his two-year sentence for membership of a house-church. He is now serving a separate two-year sentence for theft, a charge he has consistently denied. He was also sentenced to 74 lashes.

The other detainees are Mohammad Reza (Yohan) Omidi, Zaman (Saheb) Fadaie and Mohammad Ali Mossayezbazeh, who are serving 10-year sentences alongside Yousef, and Abdolreza (Matthias) Ali-Haghnejad, Shahrooz Eslamdoust, Babak Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Khatibi and Behnam Akhlaghi, who are serving five-year sentences.

Nasser, Yousef, Saheb and Yohan are currently awaiting the outcome of their retrials against their 10-year sentences. Their families had hoped to hear news of the verdicts this Monday, but they still anxiously await news, having made several petitions for their loved ones to be released since the beginning of the coronavirus outbreak.

Both Nasser and Saheb have suffered health issues, while Nasser is the oldest of those detained, so their families are especially concerned for them.

Seven other Christians were among the reported 100,000 prisoners released from Iran’s prisons since the beginning of the coronavirus outbreak – most on temporary furloughs – but rights groups have called for Iran to go further by releasing all remaining prisoners of conscience.

Iran seeks to further clamp down on ‘obstacle’ of human rights lawyers

Iran seeks to further clamp down on ‘obstacle’ of human rights lawyers

A group of lawyers and their family members protest outside the Iranian Bar Association in Tehran in December 2014. Among them is Nasrin Sotoudeh (bottom row, fourth from right), who is now serving a long prison sentence. (HRANA)

The Iranian judiciary is seeking to further tighten its grip on the legal system by looking to replace the Iranian Bar Association with a group of government-appointed officials. 

If the proposed bill passes through parliament, the Iranian Bar Association will have finally lost a battle to maintain independence that it has been fighting ever since gaining independence in 1954, and especially since the Islamic revolution of 1979.

Iran’s lawyers, particularly those who take on contentious cases involving human rights issues including religious freedom, are under intense pressure and scrutiny, and several are currently serving long jail sentences for shining a light on rights violations.

Among them is Amirsalar Davoudi, whose clients include the Iranian Christian convert Nasser Navard Gol-Tapeh, alongside whom Mr Davoudi is now incarcerated in Tehran’s Evin Prison.

Article18 spoke with Dr Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, co-founder of the Norway-based NGO Iran Human Rights, to better understand the potential ramifications of the new bill, which was presented to parliament at the end of the last Iranian calendar year in March.

What is behind the Iranian judiciary’s attempt to modify the Iranian Bar Association?

Dr Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam (Twitter)

“We should keep in mind that while the Islamic Republic is among the most repressive regimes in the world, the current Iranian constitution provides some degree of due process and rule of law. During the last two decades, the Iranian authorities have been facing increasing reactions, especially from the international community, for their violations of human rights. These reactions have increased the political cost of their violations and have prevented then from going even further in their crackdown of dissidents. This is the reason why they don’t execute people after their arrest on the streets, as they used to do in early 1980s. 

“Independent lawyers, like those who are in prison now, have always played an important role in directing the attention towards serious human rights violations and have been considered as obstacles by the authorities. So the Islamic Republic has always wanted to get rid of these lawyers but has not managed to do so, because at the same time they want to show the international community that there is a civil society and some degree of rule of law in the country, and in that way ease the pressure.

“A win-win situation for them would be having only lawyers who are loyal to the system, so that they don’t need to deny people lawyers [of their own choosing], as they often do now. So the current charter is a result of a long project which has been delayed due to opposition from lawyers and the legal community.”

Several lawyers supporting social and political activists have been sent to jail. What impact would this charter have upon such lawyers?

“The Iranian Bar Association has been one of the only semi-independent associations existing in Iran. It is also the only part of the Iranian legal system which has managed to keep some of its independence. The authorities have for many years tried to control it completely but have always met with resistance from the lawyers. 

“With the new charter they would move the authority of issuing lawyers’ right to practise from the Bar Association to the judiciary, making the Bar Association less relevant and promoting only lawyers who are loyal to the system. 

“In this way, they won’t need to harass, persecute and jail the lawyers who will mainly be loyal to the system. This will pave the way for an even harder crackdown on activists and dissidents, and human rights violations will be less costly for the authorities.”

For the last four decades, the judges of the Islamic Republic have condemned thousands of people to prison and death just for their beliefs, including Baha’is, environmentalists, political activists and Christians. What impact would the passing of this bill have upon people in such cases?

“It will make it easier for the authorities to put pressure on independent lawyers by not extending their license to practise as lawyers – rather than putting them in jail, which has higher political costs.”

In your opinion, why have the judiciary decided to push for this change now?

“They have tried to do so for so many years but haven’t managed it. The Islamic Republic has entered a new phase. They feel more threatened by the increasing public anger towards the system. They know that they will have to use even more violence against the people in order to keep power. Under these circumstances, their tolerance for any criticism is lower than ever. 

“On the other hand, the new head of the judiciary is known for his blunt brutality – he played a key role in the mass execution of several thousand political prisoners in 1988 – so it is both out of necessity and also because they have the right people in the right positions to do so.”

Background

Judge Mohammad Moghiseh last year increased the bail of five Christian converts tenfold after they insisted on choosing their own lawyer. (Photo: Fars/Ali Khara)

Iran’s failure to ensure everyone is allowed a fair trial has been highlighted on numerous occasions by rights groups, as well as the UN’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, Javaid Rehman.

In his most recent report, Mr Rehman noted that prisoners charged with national-security crimes – such as all current Christian prisoners of conscience – are only permitted to choose a lawyer from a list approved by the head of the judiciary, in line with article 48 of the Iranian Code of Criminal Procedure. 

Mr Rehman’s report said article 48 “undermines the independence of the legal profession” and is a “serious impediment to due process and the right to a fair trial”.

Article18 has reported several instances of Christians being denied access to a lawyer of their choosing – most recently in the case of Mary Mohammadi, while last year five Christian converts from the northern city of Rasht had their bail increased tenfold when they insisted on choosing their own lawyer. They are now serving five-year prison sentences.

Bahram Dehqani-Tafti, murdered son of first ethnic Iranian Anglican bishop

Bahram Dehqani-Tafti, murdered son of first ethnic Iranian Anglican bishop

On 6 May 1980, at the age of just 24, Bahram Dehqani-Tafti, the only son of the first ethnic Iranian Anglican bishop, was ambushed as he drove home from work, and shot dead.

Bahram, whose mother Margaret was the daughter of British missionaries, was working as a teacher of economics and drama at Damavand College in Tehran, having studied at Oxford University in the UK and George Washington University in the US. 

He was returning home after lunch when his car was forced off the road and he was driven to a deserted area near Evin Prison. A 14-year-old boy, who witnessed what happened next, told police he heard somebody speaking with Bahram, then the sound of a gunshot, and then saw two people getting out of Bahram’s car and fleeing in a second vehicle.

This photo shows the four bullet holes left in the pillow on which the bishop was sleeping.

Bahram’s father, Bishop Hassan Dehqani-Tafti, had fled the country just six months earlier, having narrowly escaped an assassination attempt for his refusal to hand over access to a church fund.

Five bullets were shot at him and his wife, Margaret, in their bed, but all missed the target, save one that passed through Margaret’s hand as she attempted to protect her husband.

Just six days later, the bishop left Iran for pre-arranged meetings in Cyprus and the UK, and never returned to his home country.

Bishop Hassan was attending a church conference in Cyprus when he was called with the news of his son’s murder.

Although he could not return for the funeral, which took place at St Luke’s Anglican Church in Isfahan on 11 May 1980, a prayer written by the bishop was read out by his wife Margaret, expressing forgiveness towards their son’s assassins. You can read the full text of that prayer at the bottom of this article.

Why was Bahram targeted?

Bahram’s murder came just a year after the revolution that brought the Shia cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to power. 

Bahram was not the first Christian – nor even Anglican – victim of the revolution. Just eight days after the revolution, an Anglican priest in Shiraz, Rev Arastoo Sayyah, was brutally murdered in his church office.

Rev Arastoo Sayyah was murdered just eight days after the revolution.

In the weeks and months that followed, pressure was applied on church officials, including Bishop Hassan, to hand over properties including schools, hospitals and even churches – everything that had been built over decades by missionaries, as the ayatollah sought to remove the evangelical Christian imprint from Iran.

The ayatollah said in one speech: “The missionaries, those agents of imperialism, are busy throughout the Muslim world in perverting our youth, not by converting them to their own religion, but by corrupting them. And that is the very thing imperialists are after. In Tehran itself, propaganda centres for Christianity, Zionism, and Baha’ism, have been set up for the sole purpose of luring the faithful away from the commandments of Islam. Is it not our duty to destroy all these hotbeds of danger to Islam?”

Just a few months before his death, Bahram had tried to leave Iran to attend his sister Sussanne’s wedding in the UK, but his passport was confiscated and he was told he could only leave the country if his father handed over access to a church pension fund containing enough money to cover nearly 200 school and hospital employees for the work they had done over 40 years.

Bishop Hassan later recalled the events of those days in his book, ‘The Hard Awakening’. 

“Bahram returned to Iran for us,” he wrote. “They took his passport as they couldn’t take mine, and killed him instead of me.

“If I had known what would happen, I would have returned to Iran to be killed in his place.

“I never thought they would do what they did to Bahram… Evil is deeper in a person than we can imagine.”

Bishop in exile

The Dehqani-Tafti family. (Photo: Family handout)

Bishop Hassan and his wife Margaret resettled in the UK just a few weeks after their son’s murder, with their three daughters, Shirin, Sussanne, and Guli.

Bishop Hassan continued to serve as the Anglican bishop of Iran, in exile, until his retirement in 1990. He died in 2008 and was buried in the grounds of the cathedral in the southern English city of Winchester, where they lived. His wife Margaret died eight years later and was buried next to him.

Bishop Hassan was the fourth Anglican bishop of Iran, but the first ethnic Iranian.

The bishop named the publishing house he founded in Bahram’s honour, calling it “Sohrab” – the name of the martyred son in the famous 10th century Persian poem “Shahnameh” by Ferdowsi.

Bishop Hassan’s daughter, Guli, is now a bishop in the Church of England and last year presided over the the first Persian-language service at an Anglican church in the UK.

On the anniversary of her brother’s death, she tweeted this morning that she had lit a candle in his memory and called for prayers for Iran’s “small Anglican community and all Christians in Iran today”. 

https://twitter.com/Guli_FD/status/1257932477932470273

Bishop Hassan’s prayer

“O God,

We remember not only Bahram, but also his murderers;

Not because they killed him in the prime of his youth and made our hearts bleed and our tears flow,

Not because with this savage act they have brought further disgrace on the name of our country among the civilised nations of the world,

But because through their crime we now follow thy footsteps more closely in the way of sacrifice.

The terrible fire of this calamity burns up all selfishness and possessiveness in us;

Its flame reveals the depth of depravity and meanness and suspicion,

The dimension of hatred and the measure of sinfulness in human nature;

It makes obvious as never before our need to trust in God’s love as shown in the cross of Jesus and his resurrection;

Love which makes us free from hate towards our persecutors;

Love which brings patience, forbearance, courage, loyalty, humility, generosity, greatness of heart;

Love which more than ever deepens our trust in God’s final victory and his eternal designs for the Church and for the world;

Love which teaches us how to prepare ourselves to face our own day of death.”

The impact of Turkey’s health insurance cuts on Iranian asylum seekers

The impact of Turkey’s health insurance cuts on Iranian asylum seekers

A migrant health centre and women’s refuge in Bursa, Turkey (Photo: UNFPA)

The coronavirus outbreak couldn’t have come at a worse time for many of Turkey’s asylum seekers.

Just a few months before, on Christmas Eve, the Turkish government withdrew its offering of free health insurance to the vast majority. Only those with proven long-standing health issues are exempt. 

For the rest, their health insurance provision runs out after the end of their first year in the country. And while once upon a time asylum seekers may have hoped to have found resettlement in another country by then, the reality today is that it usually take a lot longer.

Among the estimated four million asylum seekers in Turkey, the overwhelming majority (around 3.5m) are from Syria, but there are also around 40,000 Iranians, many of whose claims are based on having converted to Christianity.

Article18 spoke recently with two such asylum seekers to find out how the developments of the past few months have affected them. Their real names have been withheld due to the sensitivities of their situations.

The first, who we’ll call Marjan, was informed at the turn of the year that she needed an operation to remove her uterus, right around the time Turkey withdrew its health insurance provision.

Then, due to the coronavirus outbreak, Marjan was recently told that state hospitals would no longer be able to perform her operation and that she needed to go private.

“Since my condition is very acute, we were forced to go to a private hospital, and they said it had to be removed in the near future,” Marjan explained.

But when she asked how much it would cost, the answer astounded her.

“The first time, I was told 5,500 liras [approximately $800], but then I was told, ‘Because of the scans and so on, the price is actually 17,000 liras [$2,500].’ I said, ‘It can’t be! Is that even possible?’”

Marjan was eventually able to negotiate for the price to be reduced to 7,500 liras (around $1,100), but it is still much more than she can afford.

Another Iranian asylum seeker, who we’ll call Leyla, has a long-standing health issue requiring an ultrasound and blood tests every six months, at a cost of 6,000 liras [$850] a time.

Leyla explained that when her insurance was removed, she appealed to the Turkish migration authorities, explaining the regularity of her treatment.

“They told me, ‘Bring a report from your doctor,’” Leyla told Article18. “So, even in this situation of corona, I went to the hospital three or four times, and my doctor said, ‘You shouldn’t come here with your weakened immune system.’ But, even so, I went there and then took my report to the authorities, but they didn’t accept it and said, ‘It would have to be cancer for us to reactivate your insurance’.”

Meanwhile, the work situation for asylum seekers like Leyla, which was already precarious, has become harder still since the coronavirus outbreak.

“I was working before, but since corona came, there nowhere is open, so where we can go for work?” she said. “My job was at the hairdresser’s, and now nobody trusts anyone else to cut their hair, and I’m too scared to work anyway, in case I get sick.”

‘No-one listens’

In March, a 35-year-old Iranian asylum seeker named Massoud died after not being able to afford to pay his medical expenses, having had his insurance withdrawn.

An Iranian church leader who knew Massoud told Article18: “He couldn’t afford his medical expenses, so he applied to the migration authorities, but they refused to re-activate his insurance.” 

The church leader estimated that over 90 per cent of asylum seekers in Turkey would be unable to pay for their own treatment, due to the high costs and a lack of a reliable income.

“Refugees are in a very bad situation and they are very worried,” the church leader said. “Since the insurance was cut off, we have had many requests for help, but, unfortunately, due to limited funding, we cannot help everyone.”

And now with the coronavirus outbreak, the situation has become even more difficult, the church leader explained:

“The cost of a corona test for those who don’t have insurance is about $50. And if someone is sick, that is just the beginning. We have tried many times to get our voices heard by the migration authorities, to at least provide insurance at this critical time, but no-one listens.

“This could be dangerous even for Turkish citizens, because if one of the refugees is ill, he or she may not go to hospital due to a lack of funds, and that could mean the virus spreads further.”