Ebrahim Firouzi on life in prison and exile

Ebrahim Firouzi on life in prison and exile

Ebrahim Firouzi tells Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, about the months he has spent in exile since his release from six years in prison in November. Ebrahim’s two-year term in exile was recently extended by 11 months owing to an unauthorised leave of absence. You can read more about that here.

Can you tell us about where you are, how you are, and a bit about life in exile?

I am now living in the so-called “oil pin” of Iran, in the city of Rask, near Sarbaz, in the province of Sistan and Baluchestan.

About two weeks after leaving prison, I submitted myself here to begin the two-year exile that was issued to me in 2013. First I had to serve a few years in prison – six, seven years – and then it was time to serve this sentence.

Can you explain a little about the conditions in exile and what restrictions you face?

The rules in exile are the same for everyone, unless the judge included an additional limitation in the judgment. Thank God, the judge decided for me only the two-year forced stay here. There was no further limitation. Therefore, like everyone else who is in exile, I have to report to the police station every 24 hours, and declare my presence there. After that I can live the life on offer to me here. I am like other citizens. 

Have you had the opportunity to call or to have visits from friends and family? If they were to travel there, would it be possible for them to see you?

Yes, it’s possible, but one must also take into account the distance, and that my circumstances here are not suitable for receiving guests. 

I live a temporary life here, and definitely there is no opportunity for me to make a welcoming home that would be appropriate for guests. That is the first point. 

The second point is the distance my family are away from me. If they were to travel this distance – for a day or two, or even a week – I would feel bad, especially since I do not have comfortable conditions for guests. 

Since I have experienced prison myself, I can live in all conditions, but it’s different when it comes to family and guests. Since I hadn’t seen my sister for many years, she did come here four or five months ago, to see me for the first time in four years, and in the boot of the car she brought a sleeping bag, food and all other necessities with her. Such are my circumstances.

And I think it takes at least a few hours to get there? The last time you made the journey, how long did it take you to get to Tehran?

If someone wants to go to Tehran by bus, it takes 26 hours.

If someone wants to take the plane, the airport is not close to where I live, like a bus stop. I have to travel 200km from here, but not with just one means of transport – I have to use four different means of transport, and then I reach Chabahar Airport. From there you can take a plane to Tehran, which takes three hours.

Have you been able to get to know some local residents or neighbours? Do you get a sense of how they feel about you being among them?

On my first day, I arrived here as an exile and they didn’t know anything about me and hadn’t had positive experiences with previous exiles. 

Also, I’m single, so it was very difficult to get an apartment. I have to pay for my life’s expenses myself. The police or the judiciary don’t care whether exiles sleep on the street, or wherever. 

So I had a lot of difficulty renting an apartment, but when the locals understood my situation – I explained that it was true that I was an exile but that I was not a criminal – and then their perceptions changed. Because of the kindness of our Lord Jesus Christ, the first night, when many exiles sleep on the street, I was accepted and spent the night in the home of one of the residents. 

And this person, the next morning, prepared an apartment for me, within a day, so that I could temporarily live there until, after a while, they provided more suitable accommodation for me to rent, and that’s where I’m living now. 

Regarding the behaviour of the locals – and their feeling about me, or even that I’m a non-Muslim and most of them are Sunnis – one of the interrogators in prison knew about my exile, and he said: “We will not kill you, we will send you into exile where groups of Salafists and fanatics will kill you!” 

Well, my time in prison came to an end and, with those thoughts in mind, after the prison sentence, I was given a two-week leave of absence to visit my family and to take care of official affairs before taking myself into exile here.

Before I was released, I informed the representative of the Ministry of Intelligence in Rajaei Shahr Prison, in writing and verbally, that I would shortly be exiled and that “all of my identity documents, which remained with you for seven years and you did not give them to me, I need them – otherwise, when I go into exile, I will be a person without identity, so how should the police or the judiciary know it is me?” 

But no matter how much I called the Ministry of Intelligence from inside the prison, and then after my imprisonment – my brother called them too – they were not willing to give me my documents. My assumption is that the documents were lost and they didn’t know where they were, in order to return them to me.

But, thank God, I had copies which I had made years earlier and which had also been validated by the court, translated into English, and after a lot of difficulty, trouble and thoughts about where they were and where I had left them, I found them.

So those basically became my identity documents. Wherever I went and was asked for the original copies of my national ID card and birth certificate, I said, “I am an exile, this is my situation and these are copies and court-legalised translations, which have been validated by the judiciary; I can hand these over to you.” 

So, despite the fact that they sent you into exile, they did not provide the minimum of necessities, such as identity cards and accommodation for the first two or three nights until you found a private place to stay?

No, they didn’t. I jokingly responded to a friend who said they would provide me with a home: “My brother, they have sent me into exile to make me suffer; they haven’t sent me on a honeymoon so that they would book me a hotel!” 

And, unfortunately, poverty and restrictions are so high here, there is not even a guest house where I could go. 

But thank God that as soon as it became known that I was only there because of my beliefs, these dear people accepted me as a guest on the first night. And the next day I was provided with another place to stay.

And how do people in the city feel about their home city being used as a place of exile?

Imagine that you are told that your home – we have a term in our dialect, “Olokueh”, meaning “rubbish dump”. Imagine someone saying to me, “Ebrahim, your house is a very dirty, ugly and useless place.” What kind of feeling would that give me if I lived in that place?

These people have exactly that feeling. Basically, those responsible [the government] say openly that this is a place where life will be very difficult. That is why they call it exile. But the people here live with dignity and honour, despite the hardships. And they know it’s difficult, but their dignity is so high that they don’t organise protests like people in other cities.

You were in prison for over six years and now you’re in exile. Can you explain your emotional state now? You must have had many highs and lows these last years? 

Emotionally, you and other Christian friends who will hear this conversation will understand what I mean… The joy and happiness that everyone wants, for me it was sometimes more and sometimes less, just as everyone experiences it in his or her life. But the joy the Bible speaks of – and I encourage those who don’t know to read about it – this joy was always with me and always will be with me. Even now. 

But humanly there were incidents that were painful for me – the death of my mother, the marriage of my only brother.  Definitely, these were incidents that would be sad for everyone, from a human perspective. 

There was one more difficult incident – and I think it was the only night in prison when I cried for hours: a family matter that cannot be told publicly. But the joy of the Lord, and the trust we have in God, helps us to keep going, and it has guided me so that I never felt, in simple terms, that I had reached my limit. 

Basically, I only prayed for my freedom once in all these years, and that was during my first court case, and I was released two days later. 

Since then, I know that many have prayed for my freedom, but personally I have never prayed for my freedom. I have always prayed: “God, your will be done. It was your will that I go to prison, I’m sure of that; so I trust in your plan. Give me the strength to live in the right way until the end.” 

This is always my prayer, and friends who always sent me messages like “We pray for your freedom”, I always thanked them, but I asked them to pray for me only that God’s will be done for me in prison. 

But anyway, being out of prison is just like being in prison, only that the room is bigger.

Easter release for Iranian woman convert

Easter release for Iranian woman convert

Iranian woman convert Fatemeh (Aylar) Bakhtari has been told she does not need to return to prison to complete her sentence.

The 36-year-old is the third convert in the past few weeks to receive such news, after Rokhsareh (Mahrokh) Ghanbari, 62, and Amin Khaki, 36.

Aylar was initially given temporary leave from Tehran’s Evin Prison on 15 March, as one of tens of thousands of prisoners given furloughs due to the coronavirus outbreak. 

Earlier this month, Aylar was later told that her leave was to be extended. However, when she called the prison on Easter Day, Aylar was informed that she had in fact been pardoned, as one of 10,000 prisoners freed on the occasion of the Persian New Year, or Nowruz.

Aylar completed a little over half of her one-year sentence for “propaganda against the regime” – a charge related to her membership of a house-church.

Mahrokh and Amin were also serving sentences – of 12 and 14 months respectively – on the same charge and basis.

Mahrokh was told on 3 April that she would not need to return to prison. Amin was informed three days later. They are still waiting for their bail amounts of 30 million tomans (around $2,000) and 50 million tomans (around $3,000), respectively, to be returned to them.

Mary Mohammadi appears in court

Meanwhile, a court hearing took place today for fellow convert Fatemeh (Mary) Mohammadi, 21, relating to her alleged participation in the January protests following the Iranian Revolutionary Guard’s admission of guilt in the downing of a Ukrainian passenger plane.

Mary’s hearing had previously been scheduled for 2 March, but was postponed due to coronavirus.

After her hearing was set for 14 April, Mary tweeted that it would be a “crime against humanity” to send anyone to prison under the current circumstances.

Mary has been charged with “disturbing public order by participating in an illegal rally”.

During the hearing, the judge questioned Mary about her religious views, even though the charges were unrelated to her faith.

Mary has previously spent six months in prison for her membership of a Tehran house-church, and in December she was kicked out of university without explanation.

The judge cited no evidence against her, saying that her presence in the area where the rally was taking place was evidence in itself.

Mary was told to expect the verdict soon, though no precise timescale was given.

Imprisoned Christians

Clockwise from top-left: Nasser Navard Gol-Tapeh, Saheb Fadaie, Mohammad Reza Omidi, Yousef Nadarkhani.

At least 10 Iranian Christians remain in prison, despite repeated calls by rights groups for all prisoners of conscience to be released.

They include four whose convictions are currently being reviewed: Yousef Nadarkhani, 42, Mohammad Reza (Yohan) Omidi, 46, and Zaman (Saheb) Fadaie, 36, and Nasser Navard Gol Tapeh, 58. 

Both Nasser and Saheb have suffered health issues and their families are especially concerned about them. 

The others still detained are Mohammad Ali Mossayezbazeh, who was sentenced alongside Yousef, Saheb and Yohan; and Abdolreza (Matthias) Ali-Haghnejad, Shahrooz Eslamdoust, Babak Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Khatibi, and Behnam Akhlaghi, who recently lost their appeals against five-year sentences.

All of them, apart from Nasser, are from the northern city of Rasht and are part of the non-Trinitarian “Church of Iran”. 

Four more “Church of Iran” members from Rasht – Khalil Dehghanpour, Hossein Kadivar, Kamal Naamanian and Mohammad Vafadar – are currently out on bail, awaiting summonses to serve their own five-year sentences, having lost their appeals alongside Abdolreza, Shahrooz, Babak, Mehdi and Behnam.

Several other Christians are currently enmeshed in ongoing court cases, including Victor Bet-Tamraz, his wife Shamiram and three Christian converts – Amin Afshar-Naderi, Hadi Asgari and Kavian Fallah-Mohammadi – whose appeal hearings have been repeatedly postponed. Their next hearing is scheduled for 1 June.


For an up-to-date list of all known court proceedings involving Iranian Christians, see our Prisoners List.

Coronavirus increases asylum seeker’s anxieties as wait for resettlement goes on

Coronavirus increases asylum seeker’s anxieties as wait for resettlement goes on

Arash (John) Sedigh with his wife Azam and their five-year-old son Samuel.

Arash Sedigh went to the UN offices in Makassar, Indonesia for more than 250 days in a row last year to plead for his family’s resettlement to be made a priority.

It is approaching seven years since the 42-year-old Iranian Christian convert, who now prefers to be called John, and his wife Azam, 39, claimed asylum there on account of their religious conversion.

Their son, Samuel, who is five and a half, was born in Makassar, and has only known life within the confines of a refugee centre.

In recent years, John has grown increasingly concerned for the emotional and psychological wellbeing of his wife and son, both of whom he says have become “distressed” by their circumstances and have been seen by psychologists, who have recommended that the family’s case be expedited.

But time and again, John’s pleas have been met by a call to be patient and wait.

“Always they say, ‘Just wait. We are waiting for [the office in] Jakarta, we are waiting for their response,’ John told Article18 via Skype this week. “But until now, there is no news.”

John posted photos and videos of his protests on Twitter.

In November, John stopped his daily visits to the UNHCR, after he was advised that it was not helping his case, but five months on and they are still waiting. 

And now John has a new concern: coronavirus.

Indonesia only registered its first case last month, but it is already the Asian country with the highest number of deaths outside China, and there are fears the government’s reaction to the pandemic was too slow, and that the vastly populated country’s poorly equipped healthcare system will be unable to cope.

The city of Makassar, which has a population of nearly one and a half million, has been recognised by the Indonesian government as one of the hotspots of the fast-spreading virus – the first death there was recorded on 19 March – but John says many locals are carrying on as if nothing is happening.

The city’s churches, including John’s, have closed, under government direction, but the mosque across the road from the refugee shelter continues to operate as normal, as does the local shop at which John and the other refugees buy most of their groceries.

And while the International Organization for Migration, which runs the refugee centre, has put up posters in recent days encouraging inhabitants to take all the measures they can to protect themselves, John says that some are taking them more seriously than others and there is only so much the rest can do.

Posters have been put up around the refugee centre in recent days.

John says he is doing all he can – for example through regular use of hand sanitisers, and complying with “social distancing” as much as possible – but that he has little choice but to come into close contact with others when shopping, or in the shared kitchen facilities at the refugee centre, which houses around 60 others: mostly single Afghan men, many of whom continue to mingle together in the communal areas, including the small kitchen.

Azam does most of the family’s cooking in their one-room apartment, but, even so, she must travel regularly to the kitchen to take food from the shared refrigerator and freezer, and to wash-up after cooking.

Meanwhile, John says he is particularly concerned by the free exchange of cash between people at the local shop, in a society in which cash is by far the most common means of payment. He says many locals aren’t washing their hands, nor wearing face masks, and that there are no new regulations in place at the shop to keep people apart. “Body to body contact” is much more usual than social distancing, John says. 

The children still play on the streets outside the shelter, and John says he has found it difficult to persuade them not to continue their games within the shelter’s walls, as has become their custom.

“They don’t know how dangerous the situation is,” he says. “Whenever I see them trying to come inside our accommodation, I try to encourage them, ‘Be careful and try to stay at home, try to wash your hands.’ But they just smile and say, ‘OK,’ and continue playing.”

https://videopress.com/v/AyITcZCt?preloadContent=metadata

The local police recently passed by, broadcasting social-distancing advice via a loudspeaker, but John says most locals appear unconcerned and disinclined to follow the rules.

“They say, ‘OK, maybe we die, but someday we are going to die anyway,’” John says. Others told him “Allah will protect us”.

John says he is scared to argue against such beliefs, for fear of inciting anger, and that even the Indonesian government are concerned about how to handle the more radical elements within the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country, because they don’t not know how they will react.

Meanwhile, Samuel is holed up inside the family’s one-room apartment, and John is worried about him.

“We try to keep him in this one small room, and we are trying to encourage him to study, but when he finishes his homework, it’s boring for him to stay all the time in the room,” John says, “but we have confirmed that he cannot go out, even for refreshing himself for half an hour, because in the public areas of the shelter we are witnessing that some people are not paying attention [to the rules].”

“He needs a safe environment environment to grow up; this [should be] his golden age, but he cannot focus on his studies. He has received warnings from teachers in the school, because he cannot focus in his lessons; he cannot interact normally; he has always fears, and there are many issues around him, which he is trying by himself to handle…”

John doesn’t finish his point because Samuel is fluent in English and he is afraid of being too open about his concerns while he listens in. But at the same time, in their one-room apartment, as they try to keep him safe from the escalating epidemic, there is nowhere else for him to go.

Indeed, for John and Azam, that’s how it has felt for almost seven years now; only now their world feels even smaller and their need to find a new home, and new hope, even greater.

Christian convert, 62, released from prison, leave extended for two others

Christian convert, 62, released from prison, leave extended for two others

Mahrokh Ghanbari (right) has been told she does not need to return to prison. Aylar Bakhtari (left) and Amin Khaki have had their leave extended by 15 days.

A 62-year-old Iranian woman convert to Christianity has been told she does not need to return to prison to complete her one-year sentence for “propaganda against the regime”.

Rokhsareh (Mahrokh) Ghanbari was one of at least seven Christians among the tens of thousands of Iranian prisoners given temporary leave from prison in the past few weeks, due to the coronavirus outbreak.

Mahrokh returned to Shahid Kachooei Prison in her home city of Karaj yesterday, only to be told she was “no longer needed”. 

She is hoping to receive back the 30 million tomans (around $2,000) she deposited for bail in the coming days. 

Mahrokh had served a little over four months of her one-year sentence.

Meanwhile, two other converts on temporary leave from prison – Fatemeh (Aylar) Bakhtari and Amin Khaki, both 36 years old – have had their leave extended until the end of the current Persian-calendar month, equivalent to 18 April.

Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, welcomed Mahrokh’s release and the extension to Aylar and Amin’s leave. 

He added: “We hope that Aylar and Amin’s leave will also be turned into permanent release, as being forced to return to prison is not only unjust but can also put them in serious risk under the current circumstances.”

Aylar began her one-year jail sentence on 31 August 2019 at Tehran’s Evin Prison. Amin began his 14-month sentence at the central detention centre in Karaj on 6 July 2019. Like Mahrokh, both were convicted of “propaganda against the regime”, as a result of the peaceful practice of their faith.

Amin and Mahrokh were among the first cohort of prisoners given 36 days’ leave on 2 March, as well as another convert who cannot be identified, as Iran responded to continued calls from human rights groups to release prisoners of conscience, amidst fears the country’s overcrowded prisons could become a hotbed for the disease to spread.

Two weeks later, on 15 March, Aylar was also given temporary leave

Previously, on 26 February, Iranian-Assyrian Christian Ramiel Bet-Tamraz, 35, was released from prison three weeks ahead of schedule, as was another Christian convert who cannot be identified. 

On the same day, Christian convert Fatemeh (Mary) Mohammadi, 21, was released on bail of 30 million tomans ($2,000), pending a court hearing five days later, which was later postponed to 14 April.

Mary tweeted that the decision to continue scheduling court cases and imprisoning people during the coronavirus crisis should be considered a “crime against humanity”.

It is also believed that Majidreza Souzanchi, 36, who is coming to the end of his two-year sentence, has been or is soon to be released.

10 Christians still detained

Clockwise from top left: Nasser Navard Gol-Tapeh, Zaman Fadaie, Mohammad Reza Omidi, and Yousef Nadarkhani.

However, 10 Iranian Christians serving longer sentences of between five and ten years remain in prison, despite calls for their release.

This includes four whose convictions are currently being reviewed.

Yousef Nadarkhani, 42, Mohammad Reza (Yohan) Omidi, 46, and Zaman (Saheb) Fadaie, 36, have made several requests for release on bail since their retrials were accepted in October, and their families are increasingly anxious about them.

The same is true for the family of Nasser Navard Gol Tapeh, who is 58 years old and has suffered several health issues

Nasser was finally granted a retrial in February, having initially been denied in October.

Saheb has also suffered health issues, and was recently denied treatment in prison despite suffering from a fever and hallucinating.

The others still detained are Mohammad Ali Mossayezbazeh, who was sentenced alongside Yousef, Saheb and Yohan; and Abdolreza (Matthias) Ali-Haghnejad, Shahrooz Eslamdoust, Babak Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Khatibi, and Behnam Akhlaghi, who recently lost their appeals against five-year sentences.

All of them, apart from Nasser, are from the northern city of Rasht and are part of the non-Trinitarian “Church of Iran”. 

Four more “Church of Iran” members from Rasht – Khalil Dehghanpour, Hossein Kadivar, Kamal Naamanian and Mohammad Vafadar – are currently out on bail, awaiting summonses to serve their own five-year sentences, having lost their appeals alongside Abdolreza, Shahrooz, Babak, Mehdi and Behnam.

Several other Christians are currently enmeshed in ongoing court cases, including Victor Bet-Tamraz, his wife Shamiram and three Christian converts – Amin Afshar-Naderi, Hadi Asgari and Kavian Fallah-Mohammadi – whose appeal hearings have been repeatedly postponed. Their next hearing is scheduled for 1 June.


For an up-to-date list of all known court proceedings involving Iranian Christians, see our Prisoners List.

UK accepts ‘real risk’ of persecution for ‘ordinary’ Iranian Christians

UK accepts ‘real risk’ of persecution for ‘ordinary’ Iranian Christians

 

The UK’s new guidelines for asylum cases involving Iranian Christian converts acknowledge there is a “real risk” of persecution for “ordinary” Christians in Iran, and not just leaders or those with a “particularly evangelical zeal”.

The guidelines have been updated to reflect the findings of a November court hearing for an Iranian referred to as “PS”, whose claim was ultimately rejected but whose case is likely to prove extremely significant for many future claims.

“PS Iran” is now the reference case for claims involving Iranian Christian converts, replacing the case of “SZ and JM” back in 2008, when the risk to “ordinary” Christians was found to be “insufficient” for refugee protection.

Since then, the situation for Christian converts in Iran was acknowledged to have “markedly deteriorated”. 

The closure of almost all Persian-speaking churches was cited as the “most marked change”, alongside the finding that “simply being a Christian [convert] is enough to get you arrested”, and not necessarily being involved in leadership or evangelism.

The judges said it was never in question that there was a “causal nexus between the religious belief of Christians in Iran and the harms that they there suffer”; only the “extent” of those harms.

The ruling only considered the situation of converts to Christianity, and not Iran’s recognised Christian minority of ethnic Assyrian and Armenian descent, who they said were “tolerated” and “do not in general terms face a real risk of serious harm”.

Why was PS’s case rejected?

PS was ultimately found not to be a genuine Christian.

The judges acknowledged that assessing the genuineness of someone’s conversion is a matter “impossible to objectively verify”, as “it is not possible to make windows into men’s souls”. As a result, the new guidelines state that the claimant must only be able to show it to be “reasonably likely” that their conversion is genuine.

In PS’s case, however, his conversion was found to have been only a “charade”, following a previous rejection for asylum based on two unrelated grounds. This conclusion was based on the “haste” of PS’s baptism – just two weeks after joining a church following a spell in prison – and the lack of evidence of regular church attendance after he moved homes.

Article18 has reported on the challenges of assessing the genuineness of a convert’s faith, and on focusing asylum cases on such assessment. In a recent study by Open Doors Germany, one bishop called faith tests for converts “an attack on the Constitution”.

Risk on return

The judges said that of all of the evidence before them, it was the matter of the potential danger facing an asylum seeker upon their deportation to Iran that they “found most difficult to evaluate”. 

Ultimately, they concluded that in the case of a disingenuous claim, there was no real risk of persecution, as, upon return, they would have no reason to refuse to sign an “undertaking” pledging to have no further involvement in Christian activities – and while they may then be monitored, they would soon be found to be of no further interest to the Iranian security services.

On the other hand, for a genuine convert, the judges said that being forced to sign such an undertaking would present the convert with a “stark choice: renounce your right to freedom of conscience and belief, or refuse to sign, and face prolonged detention and torture”.

By signing, the judges said the Christian would “surrender the very protection that the [Refugee] Convention is intended to secure him”.

“The convert who in fear chooses to sign that document will be quickly released, but will almost certainly be placed under surveillance,” they said. “The effect of that surveillance would be that his ability to practise his faith in his own country would be completely denied. The convert who refuses to recant, and to make the admissions required of him, is on the road to martyrdom: even if he manages to avoid ill-treatment during this process, he will be detained until he agrees to sign.”

‘Extraordinary measures’

The judges rejected the assertion by the barrister for the Secretary of State that “only a small proportion” of Christian converts experienced serious harm. “This may be the case,” they said, but “those who have managed to avoid such harms have done so because of the extraordinary measures that they routinely take to protect themselves and their families. 

“To put it another way, we are in no doubt that if all of the Christian converts in Iran openly declared themselves to be Christian, the Iranian security services would be very busy. 

“The fact that these people are existing ‘under the radar’ does not change the fact that they would be persecuted if they chose to live openly.”

The judges added that while not every detained convert may be subjected to ill-treatment, “there is an ever-present fear of ill-treatment”, while detainees are “routinely threatened and intimidated”. 

“This psychological pressure will include the threat of physical harm to the individual or his loved ones and the threat of prosecution on serious charges up to and including apostasy,” they said. 

“We are quite satisfied that the average Iranian Christian held in detention will know someone, or know of someone, for whom these threats have been realised. We have no doubt that for the genuine adherent this situation is extremely frightening.”

The judges said they were “left in no doubt” that the purpose of arrests of converts was to “try and prevent them from practising their faith through attendance at house-churches … a purpose pursued with malignancy, and with no legitimate purpose recognised in international law”. 

“In that context, such short-term arbitrary arrests must amount to persecution,” they concluded.

‘Effective ban’ on collective worship

The judges were critical of the government’s position on several points, saying for example that it was “not apposite” to liken a Christian’s desire to meet together to worship with other Christians with a homosexual’s desire to attend a gay rights’ march.

Instead, the judges said the “effective ban” on collective worship for Christian converts deprived them of an “integral” element of their faith.

“Congregating to pray and worship forms part of the irreducible core of what it is to be a Christian,” they said. “It cannot be regarded as being on the margins of the protected right.”

Meanwhile, in an analysis piece for the website freemovement.org.uk, barrister Craig Holmes said “the government’s contention that it was acceptable for a person to have to hide their religious belief, to tolerate being unable to practice it legally, openly, or in fact at all, and to have to sign a legal document actively denouncing it on threat of prosecution is mildly astonishing.

“More so was the final limb of the Secretary of State’s case. The evidence suggested a spike in arrests at Christmas (occasionally considered to be an important Christian festival). The Secretary of State disagreed, and had a simple solution to the plight of the convert who may fear being picked up by the regime whilst on the way to celebrate: don’t go to church at Christmas.”


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Iranian Christians denied furloughs even though retrials underway

Iranian Christians denied furloughs even though retrials underway

Clockwise from top left: Nasser Navard Gol-Tapeh, Zaman Fadaie, Mohammad Reza Omidi, and Yousef Nadarkhani.

Four Iranian Christians serving ten-year sentences in Tehran’s Evin Prison are being denied temporary release even though their requests for retrials have been accepted.

Yousef Nadarkhani, 42, Mohammad Reza (Yohan) Omidi, 46, and Zaman (Saheb) Fadaie, 36, have made several requests for release on bail since their retrials were accepted in October, and their families are increasingly anxious about them in the wake of the coronavirus outbreak.

The same is true for the family of Nasser Navard Gol Tapeh, who is 58 years old and has suffered several health issues. Nasser was finally granted a retrial last month, having initially been denied in October.

Saheb has also suffered health issues, and was recently denied treatment in prison despite suffering from a fever and hallucinating.

Prisons became a hotbed for the spread of the coronavirus in China, and the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran has called for the release of all prisoners of conscience to reduce the potential spread of the virus.

Iran’s judiciary have reported the release of as many as 83,000 prisoners serving short-term sentences. At least seven Christians were among them: 

Most recently, on Sunday, Fatemeh (Aylar) Bakhtari, 36, was given a temporary furlough, though details of the terms of her release are yet to emerge.

It is also believed that Majidreza Souzanchi, 36, who is coming to the end of his two-year sentence, has been or is soon to be released.

Previously, on 26 February, Iranian-Assyrian Christian Ramiel Bet-Tamraz, 35, was released from prison three weeks ahead of schedule, as was a Christian convert who cannot be identified. 

On the same day, Christian convert Fatemeh (Mary) Mohammadi, 21, was released on bail of 30 million tomans ($2,250), pending a court hearing five days later, which was later postponed to 14 April.

Mary tweeted that the decision to continue scheduling court cases and imprisoning people during the coronavirus crisis should be considered a “crime against humanity”.

Three more Christian converts were given 36 days’ leave from prison on 2 March: Rokhsareh (Mahrokh) Ghanbari, 62, Amin Khaki, 36, and another Christian convert who cannot be identified.

Who are the remaining Christian prisoners?

Alongside Yousef, Saheb, Yohan and Nasser, there are at least a further six Christians in prison: Mohammad Ali Mossayezbazeh, who was sentenced alongside Yousef, Saheb and Yohan, and Abdolreza (Matthias) Ali-Haghnejad, Shahrooz Eslamdoust, Babak Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Khatibi, and Behnam Akhlaghi, who recently lost their appeals against five-year sentences.

All of them, apart from Nasser, are from the northern city of Rasht and are part of the non-Trinitarian “Church of Iran”. 

Nasser, who was initially sentenced alongside three men from Azerbaijan, is from Tehran. 

Four more “Church of Iran” members from Rasht – Khalil Dehghanpour, Hossein Kadivar, Kamal Naamanian and Mohammad Vafadar – are currently out on bail, awaiting summonses to serve their own five-year sentences, having lost their appeals alongside Abdolreza, Shahrooz, Babak, Mehdi and Behnam.

Several other Christians are currently enmeshed in ongoing court cases, including Victor Bet-Tamraz, his wife Shamiram and three Christian converts – Amin Afshar-Naderi, Hadi Asgari and Kavian Fallah-Mohammadi – whose appeal hearings have been repeatedly postponed. Their next hearing has been scheduled for 1 June.


For an up-to-date list of all known court proceedings involving Iranian Christians, see our Prisoners List.

Ebrahim Firouzi’s exile extended by 11 months

Ebrahim Firouzi’s exile extended by 11 months

A Christian convert serving two years in internal exile in a remote southeastern Iranian city has had his exile extended for a further 11 months owing to an unauthorised leave of absence.

Ebrahim Firouzi, who is 34, began his exile on 12 November 2019, just two weeks after returning home from six years in prison because of his Christian evangelism.

He was sent to the remote city of Sarbaz, 1,000 miles from his home in Robat Karim, near Tehran, and told to travel there at his own expense and to remain there for two years, signing in every day to prove his presence.

However, shortly after arriving, Ebrahim requested a short furlough from the local authorities to travel to the city of Hamedan, west of Robat Karim, to sort out some family affairs that he hadn’t been able to attend to in the short time between his release from prison and journey into exile.

Ebrahim told Article18 the matter related to his mother, who died during Ebrahim’s time in prison and was denied permission to see him in her last days, despite an emotional plea for one last chance to see her son.

Ebrahim was told by the local authorities in Sarbaz that a short leave of absence shouldn’t be a problem, but that they needed to check with the authorities in Robat Karim. 

He was told to wait for their response, but having not heard anything for several days, Ebrahim decided to proceed with his plans, and left Sarbaz on 13 December, returning six days later.

But on his return, Ebrahim was informed that his absence had been reported to the judicial authorities in Tehran and that he should have obtained permission from the court in Robat Karim, which sent him.

Hearing this, Ebrahim immediately took a flight to Robat Karim and was eventually able to obtain a signed letter by a judge authorising his absence.

With this in hand, he returned to Sarbaz on 27 December, two weeks to the day after he first left. But on his return, Ebrahim was told that it was in fact the prosecutor’s office in Tehran, not Robat Karim, from which he ought to have sought permission.

He was also advised not to sign in again until the matter was resolved, because, they said, he was likely to be summoned to Tehran, and if he were to go there, it would be seen as a second leave of absence, the punishment for which would be to serve the remainder of his sentence in prison.

A copy of the court document sent to Ebrahim, dated 11 March 2020.

Hoping to hear from Tehran within a few weeks, Ebrahim heeded their advice, but in fact it wasn’t until yesterday, three months on from his leave of absence, that Ebrahim finally received a letter informing him that his sentence had been increased by eight months, plus an extra three months to cover the period of time in which he had failed to provide signatures to prove his presence in Sarbaz.

So there would be no court hearing, after all, and Ebrahim’s sentence was the maximum he could have faced – of one third of his sentence, plus the time he had spent “on leave”, albeit primarily still within Sarbaz.

In the ruling, which was declared final, with no option to appeal, the judge included some false information, citing one charge against Ebrahim that he had never faced – “cyber-spying” – and another – “propaganda against Islam” – that he had once faced but had been acquitted of.

Ebrahim gave this reaction to Article18: “The court has given a final verdict, without giving me an opportunity to explain or to defend myself, and uses charges against me which are either unrelated, or I’ve been acquitted of. Therefore I have decided to take this matter to the media, to demand an explanation, and make my voice heard, as this is an example of a miscarriage of justice by the Iranian judiciary.” 

Ebrahim added that he believed the judge who had made the ruling must either have been unqualified – due to the substantial errors made in the text – or included the misleading information with a view to damaging his reputation with people in Sarbaz, who, Ebrahim said, “have accepted and respected me as a Christian”.

Article18’s Advocacy Director, Mansour Borji, commented: “One of the most-documented accusations against the Iranian authorities has been miscarriages of justice, vague and unfounded charges used indiscriminately against religious and political activists. Ebrahim, and the recent court ruling against him, is a living example of this.”

UN rapporteur calls for release of all prisoners of conscience

UN rapporteur calls for release of all prisoners of conscience

 

The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran has called for the release of all prisoners of conscience, even those on security-related charges, amid fears the coronavirus could spread rapidly within Iran’s overcrowded prisons.

Javaid Rehman, speaking yesterday at the launch of his latest report at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, welcomed the reported release of tens of thousands of prisoners on short-term leave to combat the spread of the virus, but called on the Iranian authorities to also release prisoners on longer-term, security-related sentences.

As Article18 reported last week, six Christians were among the initial 54,000 prisoners released – most on short-term furloughs. However, at least a further 11 remained in prison. Most are serving longer sentences on security-related charges, and such prisoners were not considered for furlough, even though one family member of a security prisoner noted that the virus is “unaware of [the length of] sentences when it infects people”.

Representatives of 30 UN members states made short statements in response to Mr Rehman’s report, with several highlighting the plight of religious minorities, especially the Baha’is, and one – the UK – specifically mentioning Christian converts.

 

Iran’s recent move to remove the “other religion” category from its national ID card application form was highlighted by several member states, and also by a spokesperson for the Baha’i International Community, who was one of ten representatives from NGOs who also gave short statements. 

Simin Fahandejsadi said the measure essentially rendered Baha’is as “non-persons” because, as a matter of principle, Baha’is would not lie about their faith, but they, and other unrecognised religious groups, must now choose from just one of four recognised faiths: Islam, Judaism, Zoroastrianism and Christianity.

As Article18 highlighted in its recent analysis, Christian converts are also affected, because openly stating their newfound faith would bring the very real risk of prosecution under security-related charges.

Iran’s brutal crackdown against protesters was highlighted by several member states, as was the lack of due process and inhumane treatment of many prisoners of conscience, and poor conditions inside prisons, including denial of medical care – concerns that were the primary focus of Mr Rehman’s latest report.

One Christian prisoner of conscience was recently beaten so badly during her detention that the bruises were still visible on her body three weeks later

Fatemeh (Mary) Mohammadi, who was among the prisoners recently granted temporary leave from prison, was also strip-searched twice by female officers, who told her that if she refused to remove her clothes, they would rip them from her, and forced to sit in a yard, for hours, in extremely cold weather and opposite the toilets.

Meanwhile, Article18 has reported on the denial of medical care to several Christian prisoners of conscience – most recently Zaman (Saheb) Fadaie in December.

‘Inherently flawed’

Iran’s permanent representative to the UN, Esmaeil Baghaei Hamaneh, addresses the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

Iran’s ambassador and permanent representative to the UN, Esmaeil Baghaei Hamaneh, firmly rejected the rapporteur’s claims, saying the report was “inherently flawed because it is based on an innately prejudiced mandate and overly politicised agenda”, and was “far from a faithful reflection of Iran’s continuing progress in human rights performance”.

Nine of the UN member states came out in support of Iran – Iraq, Cuba, Russia, Syria, North Korea, Venezuela, China, Armenia, Belarus – but the majority spoke in support of the rapporteur’s mandate, which has been in place since 2011, and called for its renewal.

Among the other NGO spokespeople was a BBC journalist, Rana Rahimpour, who highlighted the pressure placed on families of human rights defenders in Iran – another of the points made in Mr Rehman’s report.

Ms Rahimpour said she receives daily death threats online and that she was recently told she is not safe in London and that “they will cut my children’s throats and that I will be assassinated”.

Article18’s latest annual report noted how 2019 was the year in which Iranian intelligence agents began to harass family members of Iranian Christian converts who had fled the country, even though they may not be Christians themselves, such as in the case of Vahid (Nathan) Roufegarbashi and his wife Mahsa, both of whose parents were harassed. 

Mahsa’s father, Esmaeil Maghrebinezhad, was recently given two jail sentences amounting to a total of five years

The Special Rapporteur also spoke of his “concern” that “in-person appeal hearings are now not required”. Article18 reported just last week that nine Christian converts from the northern city of Rasht had their five-year prison sentences upheld, even though neither they, nor their lawyers, were permitted to attend the hearing. 

Five of the men are among the at least 11 Christians known to be still in detention in Iran on charges related to the peaceful practice of their faith.

‘Every time the bell rang, we thought it was him’ – daughter of pastor executed 30 years ago

‘Every time the bell rang, we thought it was him’ – daughter of pastor executed 30 years ago

By Mary Mohammadi

The following is an English translation of an interview conducted by Christian convert Fatemeh (Mary) Mohammadi with Arian Soodmand, youngest daughter of Pastor Hossein Soodmand, who was executed for apostasy in 1990.

When and how did the pressure and security measures against your father begin?

We had a house in Mashhad that had two floors and a basement. My father turned this basement into a church, with the permission of the Islamic Republic. 

This church, called “The Assemblies of God Church of Mashhad”, was founded by my father, entirely legally, and with permission. 

And we put a sign on the house that said, “The Assemblies of God Church of Mashhad”. 

After Ayatollah Khomeini’s death, my father’s permission was withdrawn, the church closed, and the sign removed from the house. Then my father was arrested multiple times. Our phone calls were listened to. When my father was released from prison (on leave of absence), he said to us, “Don’t say anything because they know about our most private conversations, even my very private conversations with my wife. They have hidden listening devices in our house.”

When my father was martyred, without our permission they sold the phone in our home, which was registered in the name of The Assemblies of God Church of Mashhad, and our phone was completely disconnected, and we were not allowed to buy and own a phone. 

Do you remember the dates of your father’s arrests?

I do not remember the date of my father’s first arrest, but I remember that after Mr. Khomeini’s death, my father’s arrests became more serious and the pressure increased. About 40 days after his [Khomeini’s] death, my father kept being arrested and released, and the authorities complained very much that the church had not held a ceremony to mark Mr. Khomeini’s fortieth day of death. Finally, he had to hold a ceremony for it.

My father’s final return to prison, after the end of his leave, was in early or mid-Aban 1369 [late October/early November 1990], from which he never returned.

Since you were only a nine-year-old girl when your father was executed, you and your family were faced with unimaginable difficulties. Tell us a little bit about your memories of the days your father was away in prison, his execution, and the days after.

Rev Soodmand (right) with his wife and two eldest children. There are no remaining photographs of all the family together, after many were taken away by the regime.

The hardships for me started when I was seven years old.

My mother was blind, so my father had a lot more responsibility than most other men: he took care of us [children], did the housework and was a companion for my mother. 

My father and his mother helped my mother with the housework and our upbringing, but before my father’s martyrdom, in 67 [1988] when I was seven years old, my mother had an accident. 

In the accident, she suffered a serious head injury and schizophrenia. It is an acute and serious illness that makes a person very isolated. My mother has been at home since then and has been struggling with depression and schizophrenia. 

My mother wasn’t able to do much since the accident and my father and grandmother did all the housework. So my father did all this housework, took care of our schoolwork and was also a pastor and led the church (the church was on the lower floor of our house). 

In 68 [1989], a year after my mother’s illness, my grandmother had an accident and died. My father was left alone and had to do everything by himself. 

The same year Mr. Khomeini died, security pressure on my father increased. My father was in prison from 68 [1989] to 69 [1990]. In general, from 68 [1989] to 69 [1990], we saw very little of him because he was constantly in prison. 

The pressure of life had grown stronger on us since 68 [1989], but my father’s detention from the month of Mehr 69 [September/ October 1990] was much, much more serious. 

Before that, he was in prison for two to three weeks, then he was given a week off and then returned again to prison. 

It was the beginning or middle of the month of Aban [October/ November] when my father went to prison after his leave but never returned. 

When he went to prison, we thought he would be back after at most one to three weeks, as usual. 

But then, when we were in school on the 18th or 19th of Azar 69 [9/10 December 1990], people in civil clothes who introduced themselves as agents of the Ministry of Intelligence came to our house and said, “On 12 Azar [3 December 1990] your father was executed and now we want to show you where your father is buried.” 

At that time, my brother Aria and I, who are twins, were nine years old, and Rashin, my older sister, was 12, and my older brother Ramtin was 15. 

We were in school and my mother and the church members gathered and went to my father’s grave. 

In ruins near the cemetery of Behesht-e Reza [Reza’s Paradise], they showed us a stone with no writing on it and said that our father was buried there. 

Rev Soodmand’s unmarked grave was demolished in December 2019.

At the time, none of my family members believed that my father had been martyred, but since everyone except the family believed it, we unconsciously believed it, but really we were just waiting for his return. 

For years, we were waiting for his return. Every time we heard the bell ring, we thought that today our father must have come, and he was the one who knocked. In truth, 30 years after my father’s martyrdom, we would all believe it if we were ever told, “Your father lives and is in prison.”

For three years after my father’s execution, my mother would take me by the hand and we would go to the Ministry of Intelligence. My mother would say, “Release my husband! If you executed him, show me his body!” 

My mother could not believe that he had been executed, and demanded that he be released. 

They calmly said: “We have already executed him! He was a traitor and we executed him! “They always said that.” 

Often, when I went to the Ministry of Intelligence with my mother, we saw the same person – I don’t know what his position was, but he always sat behind a table – and my mother would ask him, “Why did you execute him?” 

And he replied: “He shouldn’t have wanted to be a Christian. He was a traitor, so we executed him.”

After my father’s martyrdom, Pastor Haik Hovsepian Mehr helped us a lot. He brought a member of The Assemblies of God Church of Mashhad, who was a recently divorced woman, to our home. 

This lady lived with us, and the church gave her an amount as financial support for her expenses – to be in our house, to live with us and to help us with things like cooking, cleaning and other things. 

This went on for about one or two years, during which time she helped us a lot and her presence in our house added colour to our lives. 

Pastor Haik also visited us very much and met many of our material and spiritual needs. But after Pastor Haik’s death, we lost his great care for us and the lady in our house married again and left. 

We became very lonely. The pressures and hardships that had followed after my father’s death began again with the martyrdom of Pastor Haik in 1373 [1994] and the remarriage of this lady. 

It was a very difficult time. After my father was executed and the woman who lived in our house went away, and also the killing of pastors like Haik Hovsepian Mehr, Tateos Michaelian, Ravanbakhsh Yusefi and others, my mother became so lonely and her condition became much worse.

What was written as your father’s cause of death on his death certificate?

Choking by rope.

Some people do not have a good view of the clergy of any religion, for many reasons, and think that they are all one-dimensional people who look down on others and do not do much good. What was your father like?

Not as his daughter, but as a person who lived with my father and saw his way of life, I can say that my father was a true pastor, and I compared him very much with other pastors to see how he lived. 

Rev Soodmand was killed in 1990.

In my opinion, my father had a very different life than other pastors. He chose a blind person when choosing his life partner. This was a very special decision, which arose from his way of thinking and seeing all people and different social classes as equal, and that for him a person with a disability was no different from anyone else. 

I remember that my father once brought a person who was a hermaphrodite, about 30 years old, to the church, to serve and teach him. He came to our home a lot and began to see my parents as his parents. I remember whenever pastors and other people came from Tehran and saw him in the church, they often said, “Don’t let him come to the church… At least when we come!” It was like it was a totally alien subject to them!

We had a very small room in our house, which we called “the small room”, which was a guest room, and my father gave shelter to many Christians and non-Christians in that room. There was always someone in our house who my father had given refuge to. He also visited and helped many young people, and they regarded my father as their father.

Basically, I want to say that my father saw and helped people who other people didn’t see and paid no attention to, such as disabled people, hermaphrodites, and the homeless. Let me also say that physically and mentally handicapped people came to our home very often. My father gave them a lot of love, and my mother, who taught disabled people, served them.

So my father helped people who were excluded from society and otherwise ignored.

You said your mother taught the disabled. Please can you expand on that a bit?

My mother was a very active person in society and had a bachelor’s degree in French. She was employed by the Ministry of Education and taught as a primary-school teacher for people with disabilities who were blind or in a wheelchair. She also worked in a clinic for the disabled. I have no expertise in this area, but I know that she taught the mentally handicapped the basic lessons of movement and object recognition, the ability to recognise colours, and how to insert objects into other objects, etc.

Did all the persecution, pressure, and security measures against you lead to the government’s desired outcome?

The pressure placed on us and the church had no impact on our faith and that of other church members. Our whole belief remained firm. Maybe fear was instilled, but it was only temporary.

Is there anything else you would like to say?

The final thing I would like to say is that we live in a world in which not only Christians, but also many people with different beliefs and ways of thoughts other than the politics prevailing in their place of residence, are exposed to political and social pressure around the world and from being unjustly condemned in their surroundings. 

But my pain does not come from the rulers, but from people who either share the same creed or mindset, or are sometimes the closest person in your life, who leave you alone under the most difficult conditions that your opponents put you in. I ask all who sing the song of peace not to leave each other alone in difficult situations.


This interview was first published on the Persian-language website peace-mark.org.

Convert gets two more years in prison for ‘Evangelical Zionist Christianity’

Convert gets two more years in prison for ‘Evangelical Zionist Christianity’

Christian convert Esmaeil Maghrebinezhad has been sentenced to an additional two years in prison.

The 65-year-old was sentenced in January to three years in prison for “insulting Islamic sacred beliefs”.

Now, following a court hearing on 17 February, he has been sentenced to an additional two years in prison for “membership of a group hostile to the regime”, under Article 499 of the Islamic Penal Code, which provides for three months to five years’ imprisonment.

The court document detailed that the “hostile” group in question espoused “Evangelical Zionist Christianity”.

Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, said that given that Esmaeil is a member of the Anglican Church, this shows that “such blanket labelling is inaccurately applied to any Christian arrested for their religious activities, as the revolutionary courts try to justify their violations of religious freedom”.

The judge added that his ruling was based on a report by the intelligence branch of Iran’s military, though no details were given of what this evidence entailed.

Mr Borji noted that it was “odd and somewhat rare” that the military were involved in a case relating to a civilian with no links to the military.

Esmaeil has 20 days to appeal.

Background

Esmaeil initially faced four charges following his arrest in January 2019: “propaganda against the the Islamic Republic” and “apostasy”, as well as the two charges mentioned above.

In October, Esmaeil’s bail was increased tenfold after he responded to a question from the judge about whether he had insulted Islam and was an apostate by saying that he had never insulted Islam and that different ayatollahs had different opinions over the question of apostasy.

If found guilty of apostasy, Esmaeil could have faced the death sentence, though this is rarely given to Christians in Iran and the charge was dropped in November.

At that same November court hearing, the judge ruled that the case against him regarding “propaganda against the Islamic Republic” was “applicable”, because he had created a Telegram channel in which he had “promoted evangelical Christianity”.

Esmaeil’s next hearing, on 8 January, focused solely on the charge of “insulting Islamic sacred beliefs in cyberspace”, for which Esmaeil was found guilty because he had reacted with a smiley-face emoji to a message that had been sent to his phone, which poked fun at the ruling Iranian clerics.

Mr Borji said at the time that the sentence was a “disproportionate reaction to something so ordinary”.

“The other charges that Esmaeil is facing, as well as the now-quashed charge of apostasy, related to his conversion to Christianity. This may reveal the real reason why he’s been charged for something that most ordinary Iranians do on a daily basis,” he said.

Esmaeil’s defence team pointed out that he was not even the originator of the joke.

40 years a Christian

Esmaeil converted to Christianity nearly 40 years ago and has since been regularly harassed by Iran’s security forces, despite Iran’s own constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Iran ratified in 1975, both guaranteeing freedom of religion, including the right to hold a religion of one’s choosing and to propagate that religion.

Esmaeil’s daughter, Mahsa, told Article18 last year she believed her father was being harassed in part because she and her husband, Nathan, who now live in America, continue to pastor Christians in Iran through the Internet.

Article18’s latest annual report highlighted the harassment faced by Mahsa’s father and also Nathan’s parents, who received several visits from intelligence agents in 2019, with the agenda of putting pressure on them and damaging their reputation in the community.