Second woman convert began prison sentence on Easter Saturday

Second woman convert began prison sentence on Easter Saturday

A second Iranian woman convert began a two-year prison sentence on Easter Saturday on charges related to the practice of her faith.

Sakine (Mehri) Behjati handed herself in to the authorities at Evin Prison in Tehran on the same day as Fariba Dalir, and both are now serving two-year sentences on similar charges.

Mehri was later permitted a transfer to Lakan Prison in her home city of Rasht, so she could be closer to her children.

Who is Mehri Behjati?

Mehri was one of four converts first arrested in February 2020 for their membership of a house-church in Rasht.

The four – also Mehri’s nephew Hadi (Moslem) Rahimi and married couple Ramin Hassanpour and Kathrin (Saeede) Sajadpour – were officially charged in May 2020 and taken to Lakan Prison after being unable to afford the bail set for them – of 500 million tomans (around $30,000).

They were eventually released a week later on reduced bail of 200 million tomans ($11,500).

The converts were sentenced in August 2020 to between two and five years in prison for “acting against national security” by belonging to a house-church and “spreading Zionist Christianity”. Ramin was given a five-year sentence, Moslem four years, and Mehri and Saeede two years.

Their appeals were rejected in September 2020.

On 9 January 2022, Moslem left behind his nine-month-old daughter to begin serving his four-year sentence at Evin Prison so that the property deed submitted by a friend to secure his bail may be released.

A month later, the other three were told they must hand themselves in to the authorities in Tehran by the end of February. However, Mehri was later permitted an additional six weeks at home, in order to be able to spend the Iranian New Year, Nowruz, with her family.

Mehri and her nephew, Moslem, applied to the Supreme Court for a retrial, but their applications were rejected by Branch 9 of Iran’s highest court in February.

‘Iran continues to arrest, charge, sentence and jail scores of Christians’

‘Iran continues to arrest, charge, sentence and jail scores of Christians’

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has once again recommended that the State Department re-designates Iran as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for “systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom”.

In its latest annual report, released today, the independent, bipartisan group said religious freedom in Iran “remained poor” in 2021.

In the section on Iran, the report said Iran’s government “continued to arrest, charge, sentence, and jail scores of Christians on charges including ‘propaganda against the regime’”.

As examples, it cited:

  • The charging and sentencing of three Christian converts under the amended Article 500 of the penal code to five years in prison for “deviant activity” that “contradicts or interferes with the sacred law of Islam.”

  • The continued imprisonment of USCIRF Religious Prisoner of Conscience Yousef Nadarkhani for “acting against national security” and “promoting ‘Zionist’ Christianity”, despite the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declaring his detention a violation on international law.

  • The rejection of the appeal of Christian convert Sam Khosravi against a custodial sentence for “propaganda against the state”, just months after he and his wife Maryam were told they must relinquish custody of their daughter “on the basis of their religious beliefs”.

  • The detention of exiled Christian convert Ebrahim Firouzi for “insulting the sacred”, and failure to drop charges against him despite his eventual release after a hunger strike.

  • The sentencing and imprisonment of Christian convert Hamed Ashoori for “propaganda against the state”.

  • The Supreme Court’s ruling that nine Christian converts should not have been sentenced to five years in prison on security-related charges.

The report also drew attention to rights violations against Baha’is, Sufis, Sunnis and atheists, as well as to the “continued spread of antisemitism” and denigration of the Yarsani faith, while failing to recognise it as distinct and separate from Shia Islam.

As well as re-designating Iran as a CPC, USCIRF said the State Department should: 

  • Sanction “government agencies and officials responsible for severe religious-freedom violations”.

  • Raise religious freedom and other rights abuses in “bilateral and multilateral negotiations with Iran”.

  • “Exert multilateral pressure on Iran to improve religious-freedom conditions.”

  • “Press for the release of all religious prisoners of conscience.”

It added that the US Congress should “reauthorize and exercise oversight to ensure implementation of the Lautenberg Amendment, which aids persecuted Iranian religious minorities seeking refugee status in the United States”.

US Commission on International Religious Freedom annual report 2022

US Commission on International Religious Freedom annual report 2022

The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has once again recommended that the State Department re-designates Iran as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) for “systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom”.

In its latest annual report, released today, the independent, bipartisan group said religious freedom in Iran “remained poor” in 2021.

In the section on Iran, the report said Iran’s government “continued to arrest, charge, sentence, and jail scores of Christians on charges including ‘propaganda against the regime’”.

As examples, it cited:

  • The charging and sentencing of three Christian converts under the amended Article 500 of the penal code to five years in prison for “deviant activity” that “contradicts or interferes with the sacred law of Islam.”
  • The continued imprisonment of USCIRF Religious Prisoner of Conscience Yousef Nadarkhani for “acting against national security” and “promoting ‘Zionist’ Christianity”, despite the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention declaring his detention a violation on international law.
  • The rejection of the appeal of Christian convert Sam Khosravi against a custodial sentence for “propaganda against the state”, just months after he and his wife Maryam were told they must relinquish custody of their daughter “on the basis of their religious beliefs”.
  • The detention of exiled Christian convert Ebrahim Firouzi for “insulting the sacred”, and failure to drop charges against him despite his eventual release after a hunger strike.
  • The sentencing and imprisonment of Christian convert Hamed Ashoori for “propaganda against the state”.
  • The Supreme Court’s ruling that nine Christian converts should not have been sentenced to five years in prison on security-related charges.

The report also drew attention to rights violations against Baha’is, Sufis, Sunnis and atheists, as well as to the “continued spread of antisemitism” and denigration of the Yarsani faith, while failing to recognise it as distinct and separate from Shia Islam.

As well as re-designating Iran as a CPC, USCIRF said the State Department should: 

  • Sanction “government agencies and officials responsible for severe religious-freedom violations”.
  • Raise religious freedom and other rights abuses in “bilateral and multilateral negotiations with Iran”.
  • “Exert multilateral pressure on Iran to improve religious-freedom conditions.”
  • “Press for the release of all religious prisoners of conscience.”

It added that the US Congress should “reauthorize and exercise oversight to ensure implementation of the Lautenberg Amendment, which aids persecuted Iranian religious minorities seeking refugee status in the United States”.

Christian convert arrested in Anzali, family in distress

Christian convert arrested in Anzali, family in distress

A Christian convert in Iran was arrested after a dozen plainclothes agents from the Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS) raided his house, confiscating several Bibles. 

Rahmat Rostamipour, 49, was driven away in a convoy of four cars at 8am on Monday, 18 April, from his home in Anzali, a city in the north of the country.

As well as confiscating the Bibles, the agents also took possession of the family’s phones, ID cards, a number of books, and some tablets used by the couple’s children for school, before taking Rahmat into custody. 

The authorities made it clear they also intended to arrest Rahmat’s wife, Azar, but refrained from doing so because the raid brought on a panic attack in the couple’s teenage daughter.

However, Azar was summoned to the MOIS Office in Anzali the following day, 19 April, and returned home after hours of interrogation.

The couple have not been formally charged, but during Azar’s questioning she was informally accused of “propaganda against the regime through involvement in house-church activities”.

Iranian authorities consider house-church gatherings outside their sphere of control as “illegal”.

The couple’s 13-year-old teenage son was also present during the raid. 

Iran is number nine on Open Doors’ World Watch List, an annual ranking of the 50 countries where Christians face the most extreme persecution.

Christian woman convert begins two-year prison sentence

Christian woman convert begins two-year prison sentence

A 51-year-old woman Christian convert today began serving a two-year prison sentence in Tehran’s Evin prison for “acting against national security by establishing and leading an Evangelical Christian church”.

Fariba Dalir, whose case has not been reported until now, was one of six converts arrested in Tehran in July last year, including her fiancé at the time and now husband, Soroush.

Five of the Christians were sentenced in December – Fariba to two years, and the other four, including Soroush, to 10 months for membership of the church.

However, due to time already spent in detention, these four were told they could instead choose to pay fines of 5 million tomans each (around $250) to escape further imprisonment.

The sixth Christian, a 17-year-old girl, was released without charge, but only after spending 10 days in solitary confinement, and being subjected to intense interrogations in a detention centre of the Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Fariba and Soroush themselves each spent over a month in solitary confinement at the detention centre following their arrests on 19 July 2021 – Fariba at a hair salon, and Soroush while driving his car.

Three of the other Christians, including the 17-year-old and another woman and her daughter, had been arrested at their homes the previous day.

The sixth Christian, a man, was arrested on the same day as Fariba and Soroush, but the names of these other Christians have not been divulged.

After spending around 50 days each in solitary confinement, Fariba was transferred to Qarchak women’s prison and Soroush to the Greater Tehran Penitentiary, where they were detained for two months longer, before being released on bail – of 600 million tomans ($25,000) for Fariba, and 300 million tomans ($12,500) for Soroush.

The couple married in the months between their release and sentencing, which took place on 4 December 2021 at Branch 26 of Tehran’s Revolutionary Court, but now they are apart again.

Fariba was in fact initially sentenced to five years in prison after the court wrongly stated that she had a previous criminal record. Her sentence was later revised once the court was informed of the error.

Converts given five-year sentences for ‘deviant propaganda’ 

Converts given five-year sentences for ‘deviant propaganda’ 

Left to right: Ahmad Sarparast, Morteza Mashoodkari, and Ayoob Poor-Rezazadeh.

Three converts have been sentenced to five years in prison for “engaging in propaganda and education of deviant beliefs contrary to the holy Sharia” and “connections with foreign leaders”.

Ahmad Sarparast, Morteza Mashoodkari, and Ayoob Poor-Rezazadeh were informed of the verdict on Saturday at Branch 2 of the Revolutionary Court in Rasht.

The three men, who were also fined 18 million tomans (around $750), were convicted under the amended Article 500 of Iran’s penal code following legal proceedings that were later heavily criticised by their lawyer, Iman Soleimani.

Mr Soleimani, who accompanied the men to court to receive the verdict, complained that his clients had been convicted only on the basis of the claims of intelligence agents of the Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC); that the judge, Mohammad Hossein Hosseinpour, had also taken on the role of accuser; and that there was no legal justification for the sentences, as his clients’ only “crime” had been to meet together for prayer and worship.

A religious assembly, Mr Soleimani said, could not be considered an “action against the state”, while although Iran’s constitution forbids “inquisition” into a person’s beliefs, the judge’s very first question had been about their beliefs, and their confirmation of them drew an angry response. Their beliefs were later also referenced in the verdict.

The three men have decided to appeal against the sentences, despite being told by the judge that if they accepted them and “remained quiet”, their sentences would be reduced by one-quarter, and they may also be more favourably treated in prison, such as being eligible in time for furlough, conditional release, or freed to serve their sentences at home with an electronic tag.

However, they maintain that they have done nothing wrong, and therefore are not willing to simply remain quiet and accept their lot.

Mr Soleimani, writing on Twitter, said: “I’ve been involved with this case from the beginning, and volumes of unspoken stories could be written regarding the shortcomings of how the arrest and preliminary investigations took place, the illegal proceedings in the Revolutionary Court in Rasht, and even the way my defendants were wrongfully condemned for someone else’s interview about them with Iran International.”

In another post, he wrote: “Unfortunately, in political and ‘security’ cases, the judges are under a lot of pressure from the arresting agents, and some independent judges have openly stated this in the presence of lawyers and defendants, and complained about this situation and the fact that they can also face charges themselves if they do not comply.”

Mr Soleimani added that the judge in Ahmad, Morteza and Ayoob’s case had even indicated to him that he was under pressure to give the men the maximum possible sentences.

Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, commented: “The verdict in this case is typical of arbitrary sentences, stating only that the individuals were convicted because they had remained ‘persistent in their beliefs’. This is clearly a violation of the Iranian constitution, and contrary to the repeated claims of regime officials that ‘no-one is imprisoned because of their beliefs’. The conviction is also based only on the reports of interrogators – nothing more – and is therefore entirely devoid of any legal justification. The proceedings in this case also clearly debunk Iranian officials’ claims, repeated constantly to international media, that the judiciary is independent.”

Background

Ahmad, Morteza and Ayoob were arrested in September 2021, and taken to a detention centre belonging to the IRGC, where they were held in solitary confinement.

Ahmad and Morteza were released on bail after 17 days, but there were concerns for Ayoob, who was not heard from at all until a month after his arrest.

The three men were charged on 25 January 2022, and are now the second group of converts to have been convicted under Article 500 since its amendment last year.

In June last year, Milad Goodarzi, Amin Khaki, and Alireza Nourmohammadi from Karaj also received five-year sentences, later reduced to three years on appeal. They are now serving those sentences.

All six men are from the non-Trinitarian “Church of Iran” denomination, which has been especially targeted in recent years.

In Ahmad, Morteza and Ayoob’s case, the prosecutor called them “Satan-worshippers who believe in the end of the world, the divisions between sects and races, the return of the Jews to their promised land, and the superiority of this race [Jews] to others, which proves the claim that they are working for foreign elements”.

And while this denomination has non-traditional views regarding the Trinity, much of the rest of its teachings are entirely in keeping with the wider Church, making allegations of “Satan worship” seem an obvious attempt to vilify the group and lessen public sympathy for them.

Article18’s advocacy director, Mansour Borji, commented: “This kind of labelling of a religious group, whatever their belief, in an official court document, shows a clear disregard by the Iranian authorities of their responsibilities as signatories to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which protects the rights to freedom of belief for all citizens, whatever those beliefs are.”

He added: “Even the wording of Article 500 is at odds with Iran’s responsibilities in this regard, as it is clearly not the state’s job to decide whether an individual’s beliefs are ‘normal’ or not, let alone to prosecute them for these beliefs.”

In their last defence in February, the three men said they were “just Christians worshipping according to the Bible” and “have not engaged in any propaganda against the regime or any action against national security”. 

They also denied receiving any funds from abroad, and no evidence was provided to support this claim.

Article18 calls for renewal of special rapporteur’s mandate

Article18 calls for renewal of special rapporteur’s mandate

Photo: UN/Manuel Elias

Article18 has joined with 36 other Iranian and international human rights organisations in calling on all members of the UN Human Rights Council to support the renewal of the mandate of the special rapporteur on human rights in Iran.

In a joint letter circulated to all members, we say Javaid Rehman’s mandate is “essential in light of the persistence of a pattern of serious human rights violations”, including “pervasive” discrimination in law and practice against Christian converts among other marginalised groups.

Our letter, a full copy of which is included below, also highlights Iran’s misuse of the death penalty; “deeply flawed judicial system”;“grossly unfair trials”; unlawful use of lethal force against protesters; torture and denial of health care to prisoners; “entrenched” impunity; continued harassment and arbitrary detention of rights defenders; and curtailment of freedom of expression including through the use of local Internet shutdowns during protests.

It is in this context, we say, that the mandate is “more than ever critical to monitor, document and report to this Council on steps taken by Iran to uphold its human rights obligations, or of its failure to take such measures”.

The special rapporteur’s mandate draws the Council’s attention “to the voices of survivors, victims and their families” in “the absence of a system for accountability for violations of human rights”, we say, as well as providing a platform for UN bodies and member states “to encourage Iran’s authorities to undertake long overdue human rights reforms and hold them to account for human rights violations”.

We also encourage the Council members to “press Iran” to give Mr Rehman “unfettered access” to the country; to “voice concern at the dire situation of human rights in Iran; and to “send a strong message to the Iranian authorities that the cycle of impunity must be broken”. 

A full copy of the letter, and list of signatories, is included below:


Your Excellency,

We, the undersigned Iranian and international human rights organisations, call on your country to support the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran at the 49th session of the Human Rights Council (HRC). We also urge your government to use this opportunity to voice concern at the situation of human rights in Iran, and to answer the Special Rapporteur’s appeal for “the international community to call for accountability with respect to long-standing emblematic events that have been met with persistent impunity” (paragraph 71) at this session. 

The renewal of this mandate is essential in light of the persistence of a pattern of serious human rights violations and international crimes committed by Iranian authorities, as extensively documented by civil society monitors and by the Special Rapporteur. 

At this session, the Council is yet again being presented with evidence of gross violations of the right to life, including through the use of the death penalty against child offenders in violation of the absolute prohibition on the use of the death penalty against persons who were under the age of 18 at the time of the crime and for offences not meeting the threshold of “most serious crimes” under international law. Throughout the past year, authorities executed men and women sentenced to death in grossly unfair trials managed by a deeply flawed judicial system that according to the Special Rapporteur “acts as a repressive organ instead of an independent body towards which individuals seek recourse” (paragraph 50). 

The Council is also being presented with evidence of the continued unlawful use of lethal force by law enforcement and other state agents against protesters, bystanders and border couriers, leading to scores of killings and hundreds of serious injuries including blinding. Since the renewal of the mandate last year, there have been multiple suspicious deaths in custody following credible allegations of torture and denial of health care. Consistent with entrenched patterns of impunity, none of these violations have been investigated or punished. 

In the past year, human rights defenders, including labour rights defenders, bereaved relatives of those killed by security forces seeking justice, as well as lawyers and journalists have continued to be judicially harassed and arbitrarily detained. Dual and foreign nationals remained arbitrarily detained “as a means to put pressure on foreign Governments” (paragraph 27). Iranian authorities also banned additional media outlets and social media platforms and imposed local Internet shutdowns during protests, further curtailing the right to freedom of expression. 

As highlighted in the report of the Special Rapporteur, discrimination in law and practice remains pervasive and perpetuates violence against women and girls; persons belonging to ethnic or linguistic minorities, including Ahwazi Arabs, Azerbaijani Turks, Baluchis, Kurds and Turkmen; persons belonging to religious or belief minorities, including Baha’is, Christian converts, the Yarsan (Ahl-e Haq), Sunni Muslims, atheist beliefs and non -believers , as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) people. 

These long-standing patters of human rights violations have been facilitated by what the Special Rapporteur describes as “institutional impunity” due to “the absence of a system for accountability for violations of human rights” (paragraph 48), within a system where “obtaining accountability for human rights violations becomes arbitrary at best and impossible at worst” (paragraph 58).

In such a context, the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran is more than ever critical to monitor, document and report to this Council on steps taken by Iran to uphold its human rights obligations or of its failure to take such measures. It is essential to engage with Iranian authorities on issues of concern, and to make potentially life-saving urgent appeals and other communications. 

The mandate draws the attention of this Council to the voices of survivors, victims and their families, and its expert findings and recommendations steer and inform the efforts of UN bodies and member states to encourage Iran’s authorities to undertake long overdue human rights reforms and hold them to account for human rights violations.

For these reasons, we urge your government to support the renewal of the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran at this session and to press Iran to give the expert unfettered access to the country. We also call on your government to voice concern at the dire situation of human rights in Iran, and to send a strong message to the Iranian authorities that the cycle of impunity must be broken.

Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran (ABC)
The Advocates for Human Rights
African Center for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS)
All Human Rights for All in Iran
Amnesty International
Arseh Sevom
Article18
ARTICLE 19
Association for the Human Rights of the Azerbaijani people in Iran (AHRAZ)
Balochistan Human Rights Group
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
Center for Human Rights in Iran
Centre for Supporters of Human Rights
Child Rights International Network (CRIN)
CIVICUS – World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
Conectas Direitos Humanos
Ensemble Contre la Peine de Mort (ECPM)
Freedom from Torture
Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA)
Human Rights Watch
Impact Iran
International Commission of Jurists
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
Iran Human Rights
Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (IHRDC)
Justice for Iran
Kurdistan Human Rights Association – Geneva (KMMK-G)
Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN)
Minority Rights Group International
OutRight Action International
Siamak Pourzand Foundation (SPF)
United for Iran
World Coalition Against the Death Penalty
World Organization Against Torture (OMCT)
6Rang – Iranian Lesbian & Transgender Network

*The mandate of the special rapporteur was renewed on 1 April 2022, with 19 countries voting in favour, 12 against, and 16 abstentions.

‘Justice in Iran doesn’t have any meaning’ – Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe

‘Justice in Iran doesn’t have any meaning’ – Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe

Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe highlighted the plight of remaining prisoners of conscience, including members of religious groups, during her first public comments since her release last week from six years in prison. 

“I believe that the meaning of ‘freedom’ is never going to be complete until such time that all of us who are unjustly detained in Iran are reunited with their families,” she said. “To begin with [fellow British-Iranian] Morad [Tahbaz], but also other dual nationals, members of religious groups, or prisoners of conscience.” 

Nazanin was speaking at a news conference in London earlier today alongside her husband Richard, who was a relentless advocate on her behalf, their local MP Tulip Siddiq, and Morad Tahbaz’s daughter, Roxanne. 

“We do realise that if I have been in prison for six years, there’s so many other people – we don’t know their names – who have been suffering in prison in Iran,” Nazanin said.

She added: “Justice in Iran does not have any meaning… If you’re lucky, then you’ll be picked up by a semi-fair judge, but in most cases you’re not lucky.”

Nazanin repeatedly declined to comment on her experiences in prison, but said she had become very close to the families of

other political prisoners, including Morad’s, and those of fellow conservationists Niloufar Bayani, Houman Jokar, Sepideh Kashani, and Sam Rajabi, and Iranian-American Siamak Namazi.

When asked to comment on the current discussions with Iran over the nuclear deal, and what should be the minimum price asked for by Western governments in terms of human rights in Iran, Nazanin replied: “I don’t think anybody’s life should be linked to a global agreement, whether it’s nuclear, environment, or whatever. Every human being has got the right to be free. And what really upset me all these years is that my life was linked to something which has got nothing to do with me. 

“… The remaining dual nationals in Iran, their story should not be linked to any political [or] international agreements. Human rights should not be something that people would look into as a side-story when they’re doing big deals. It has to be on its own, independently, a big issue to be solved. 

“I was the lucky one who came home. There are so many other people who are still remaining in Iranian prison. And I think their story has to be separately dealt with, and not [linked] with any international agreement.”

Nazanin added that she believed it was her faith that enabled her to endure the “huge, huge price” that she and her family had been forced to pay these past six years.

“I did go through a journey to get to know myself a lot better, to get to know my strength, and my faith more than anything else,” she said. “So it was a journey with a huge, huge price… 

“Looking back, we paid a huge price for it. But at the end of the day, it made us a lot closer. We made so many good friends, and got to know the families of the ex-prisoners, or prisoners who are at this moment in prison. So I think it made us a lot closer to each other, and a lot stronger together, but we paid a massive price.”

‘Sovereignty does not give Iran a carte blanche for human rights violations’ – Javaid Rehman

‘Sovereignty does not give Iran a carte blanche for human rights violations’ – Javaid Rehman

The UN special rapporteur on human rights in Iran once again highlighted the persecution of religious minorities, including Christian converts, in his latest remarks to the Human Rights Council in Geneva.

“Religious minorities, in particular the Baha’is and Christian converts, face arbitrary arrests, detentions, and ill-treatment,” Javaid Rehman said, as part of an “interactive dialogue” yesterday.

The rapporteur also highlighted several other rights violations mentioned in his most recent report, including: the imposition of the death penalty against juveniles and others who have committed no serious crime; arbitrary detention; lack of fair-trial provision; denial of access to lawyers; torture; discrimination against women and girls; the use of lethal force against protesters; and impunity for perpetrators of rights violations.

Mr Rehman was publicly thanked for his efforts by the representatives of member states including Israel, the EU, Lichtenstein, Iceland, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Australia, Ireland, the USA, Belgium, the UK, New Zealand, Yemen, France, Argentina, Albania, and Macedonia.

The representatives to the UK and Israel both specifically referenced the plight of Christians in Iran.

“Persecution of religious minorities continues unabated, particularly towards Christian converts and the Bahais,” the UK’s representative said.

The persecution of religious minorities including Christians was also referenced by representatives of non-governmental organisations CSW and the British Humanist Association. 

“Many Christians are either facing or currently serving excessive prison sentences on unfounded charges relating to national security, extremism and propaganda,” noted CSW’s representative.

On the other side of the debate, Iran’s representative and representatives of countries sympathetic to the Islamic Republic – China, Sri Lanka, Russia, Belarus, Zimbabwe, Nicaragua, Laos, North Korea, Cuba, Syria, and Venezuela – insisted that the rapporteur’s mandate was flawed, his efforts “politically motivated”, and his reports fallacious.

At one point, Iran’s representative personally attacked Mr Rehman, even calling into question his objectivity as a British passport holder whose mandate had been initiated by the UK.

This later called for the President of the Council to remind all participants not to make personal attacks on any individual rapporteur. 

It can at times seem feel as though such dialogues are futile, given how little common ground there appears to be between those on either side of the debate. But given that the specific focus of Mr Rehman’s latest report was “accountability”, at the very least such discussions provide some opportunity for rights violators to be called to account.

Mr Rehman was forthright in his rebuttal of several criticisms brought against him by the Islamic Republic and its sympathisers.

“The government [of Iran] argues that the references of the report are politically biassed or based on information from terrorist groups,” Mr Rehman said in his concluding remarks. “This is wholly inaccurate, and in itself is an example of the way in which the government views criticisms or analysis with which they do not agree.

“I encourage the government to engage on the substance of the report, and I hope we can have a meaningful exchange towards how to strengthen human rights in responding to several states and organisations on the absence of accountability and institutional impunity.”

Responding to other criticisms, the rapporteur said: “I do not believe that the debate can proceed solely on the basis of denial…

“Violations of international human rights law have no relationship to the imposition of sanctions on Iran…

“The sovereignty of Iran is not in dispute. But sovereignty does not give a carte blanche for human rights violations, and it is not a shield against criticism of legal and political structures.”

Article18 joins call for withdrawal of draconian Internet bill

Article18 joins call for withdrawal of draconian Internet bill

Article18 has today joined with over 50 other human rights groups in signing a joint statement calling on the Iranian parliament to immediately withdraw a draconian Internet bill that would violate a plethora of human rights including freedom of expression.

In the statement, a full copy of which is included below, the 55 signatories call on Iran to immediately withdraw the “Regulatory System for Cyberspace Services Bill” in its entirety, and on the international community “to ensure promotion and protection of human rights in Iran is prioritised” in all diplomatic relations with Tehran.

If passed, the bill “will carry grave risks of increased and even complete communication blackouts in Iran, and is likely to be used as a tool to conceal serious human rights violations”, we say.

The statement also notes that the bill would place the control of the Internet firmly in the hands of entities that “repeatedly commit serious human rights violations with complete impunity”, such as the Ministry of Intelligence, and the Intelligence Organisation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – and all under the direct oversight of the Supreme Leader.

This will have “chilling effects on the right to freedom of expression in Iran”, we say.

The bill would also introduce new criminal measures against those who fail to comply with its terms, we note, including punishing those who develop Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) with up to two years’ imprisonment, or those who allow “unlicensed foreign services” access to users’ data with up to 10 years’ imprisonment.

If the bill is passed, “people in Iran will be at even graver risk of isolation and human rights violations”, we conclude.

A full copy of the statement and list of signatories is included below:


Iran: Human rights groups sound alarm against draconian Internet Bill 

We, the undersigned human rights and civil society organizations, are alarmed by Iranian parliament’s move to ratify the general outlines of the draconian “Regulatory System for Cyberspace Services Bill,” previously known as the “User Protection Bill” and referred to hereafter as “the Bill.” If passed, the Bill will violate an array of human rights of people in Iran, including the right to freedom of expression and right to privacy. We urge the Iranian authorities to immediately withdraw the Bill in its entirety. We further call on the international community, along with states engaged in dialogue with Iranian authorities, to ensure that the promotion and protection of human rights in Iran is prioritized, including by urging Iran’s parliament to rescind the Bill as a matter of urgency. 

While UN Human Rights Council member states will soon vote on whether to renew the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran, the Iranian parliament is attempting to further curtail the rights of people inside Iran with passage of this Bill. If implemented, this will carry grave risks of increased and even complete communication blackouts in Iran, and it is likely to be used as a tool to conceal serious human rights violations.

While we welcome the Iranian parliament presidium’s decision to annul the 22 February 2022 ratification attempt by the special parliamentary committee, we are still alarmed at the ratification attempt following a vote of only 18 parliamentarians. The threat of this Bill passing looms. In July 2021, parliament voted to allow the Bill to pass under Article 85 of the Iranian constitution. This   would mean a small 24-person committee (with a majority vote of 18 to pass) within parliament could ratify the Bill for an experimental period of between three and five years, circumventing typical parliamentary procedures. This unusual Article 85 process, and the moves to ratify it on 22 February, demonstrate that the authorities remain adamant to take forward this regressive legislation despite the domestic and international outcry. We are still concerned the Bill’s enforcement is at the whim of a small committee attempting to circumvent the rights of an entire country. 

The Bill Introduces Alarming Changes to Internet Controls

The undersigned civil society groups are gravely concerned that the passage of the Bill will result in even further reductions in the availability of international Internet bandwidth in Iran and violate the right to privacy and access to a secure and open Internet. Particularly alarming are provisions of the Bill that place Iran’s Internet infrastructure and Internet gateways under the control of the country’s armed forces and security agencies. In the latest draft of the Bill, the Secure Gateway Taskforce will control international gateways that connect Iran to the Internet. This Taskforce, newly created  as part of the Bill’s specifications, in turn will be under the authority of National Centre of Cyberspace (NCC), which is under the direct oversight of the Supreme Leader. The Secure Gateway Taskforce is to be composed of representatives from the General Staff of the Armed Forces, the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC Intelligence Organization), the Ministry of Intelligence, the Ministry of Information and Communications Technology (ICT), the Passive Defense Organization, the Police Force, and the office of Prosecutor General. 

Delegating such control over Internet and communications access to entities that repeatedly commit serious human rights violations with complete impunity will have chilling effects on the right to freedom of expression in Iran. As documented by human rights organizations, Iran’s security forces, including the Revolutionary Guards and the Ministry of Intelligence, perpetrated gross violations of human rights and crimes under international law, including the unlawful use of lethal force, mass arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances and torture and other ill-treatment to crush the nationwide protests in 2017, 2018, and November 2019. Alarmingly, passage of the Bill will make Internet shutdowns and online censorship even easier and less transparent. We note that Internet shutdowns not only constitute violations of human rights, such as the right to access information and freedom of expression, but also act as a tool to facilitate the commission and concealment of other gross violations. Indeed, Iran’s deadly repression of nationwide protests in November 2019 took place amid the darkness of a week-long near total Internet shutdown

Disconnecting Foreign Social Media and Internet Services

In the latest draft of the Bill, all tech companies offering services inside Iran are required to introduce representatives in the country, collaborate with the Islamic Republic of Iran in surveillance and censorship efforts, and pay taxes. They are also required to store “big data and critical information inside Iran” belonging to users inside the country and can face legal penalties if they do not. Access to services provided by companies that do not comply will be throttled and the Committee Charged with Determining Offensive Content (CCDOC) can eventually decide to outright ban them from operating in Iran. Compliance by companies with such requirements will carry severe repercussions for all Internet users in Iran. The Bill therefore places platforms in a position to choose between throttling or complying with regulations that undermine the right to privacy and freedom of expression. Such requirements are meant to further consolidate the National Information Network (NIN), a domestic Internet infrastructure hosted inside Iran. This will place information and communications under the monitoring and censorship of the authorities and may result in Iran’s eventual disconnection from the global Internet. Either foreign services comply and become partially integrated into the national network (at least in terms of data storage) or they refuse, and users will be forced to seek out their alternatives on the NIN. The Bill also introduces new criminal measures against those failing to comply with its terms. Proxy or Virtual Private Network (VPN) service development, reproduction or distribution can result in two years’ imprisonment under Article 20 of the proposed Bill. Article 21 also stipulates Internet Service Providers who allow unlicensed foreign services to access the data of users inside Iran can face up to ten years’ imprisonment. 

Domestic and International Backlash Against the Bill

Since the advancement of the Bill, Internet users, along with businesses and guilds representing them, as well as human rights defenders, digital rights activists, international human rights organizations and United Nations experts have raised grave concerns. In October 2021, four UN Special Rapporteurs sent a Communication to the Iranian authorities (OL IRN 29/2021) expressing concerns about the Bill and the lack of transparency that permeated its processing within the parliament and calling for it to be withdrawn. Criticisms of the Bill and parliament’s decisions to proceed with the legislation without any regard for due process have not been limited to civil society actors. As of 23 February 2022, 150 Iranian parliamentarians had signed a letter to parliament’s board of presidents requesting the Bill to be considered and voted on in a general session of parliament rather than in a special committee. 

Members of the international community, including the states engaged in bilateral and multilateral negotiations and dialogues with the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Human Rights Council member states must press Iran to uphold its human rights obligations. Without urgent action, people in Iran will be at even graver risk of isolation and human rights violations. 

Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran
Access Now
Advocacy Initiative for Development (AID)
All Human Rights for All in Iran
Amnesty International 
Arc Association for the Defence of Human Rights of Azerbaijanis of Iran – ArcDH
Article18
ARTICLE19
Association for the human rights of the Azerbaijani people in Iran (AHRAZ)
Azerbaijan Internet Watch
Center for Democracy & Technology
Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI)
Commission on Global Feminisms and Queer Politics, International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES)
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) 
Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) 
Freedom Forum
Front Line Defenders 
Global Voices
Human Rights Activists (in Iran) (HRA)
Human Rights Consulting Group, Kazakhstan
Human Rights Watch
Ideas Beyond Borders
IFEX
Impact Iran
Internet Protection Society, Russia
INSM Network
Iran Human Rights
Iran Human Rights Documentation Center 
Justice for Iran
Kijiji Yeetu
Kurdistan Human Rights Association -Geneva (KMMK-G)
Kurdistan Human Rights Network (KHRN)
Kurdpa Human Rights Organization
Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada
Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)
Miaan Group
Mnemonic
Open Net 
OutRight Action International
PEN America
Queer Kadeh
Ranking Digital Rights
RosKomSvoboda
Sassoufit collective
Siamak Pourzand Foundation (SPF)
SMEX
SOAP
Spectrum 
Wikimédia France
WITNESS (witness.org)
Ubunteam
United for Iran
Xnet
6Rang (Iranian Lesbian and Transgender network)