Annual report launch at UN Human Rights Council 30 March 2023 News Two UN special rapporteurs and an Assyrian Christian couple forced to flee Iran after being sentenced to a combined 15 years in prison joined representatives from Article18 and Open Doors International at the UN Human Rights Council launch of our joint annual report last week. The main contributions of the speakers are summarised below. Javaid Rehman Javaid Rehman, flanked by Article18’s Mansour Borji (right) and Wissam al-Saliby from the World Evangelical Alliance, who moderated the event. The UN’s special rapporteur on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Javaid Rehman, began the session by explaining that although the focus of his report was the response of the security forces to the protests in the wake of the killing of Mahsa Amini, he “also documented some very substantial concerns as regards ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities”. Mr Rehman said he had “serious concerns” regarding Kurds and Baluchis, but added: “They’re also minorities, but they are constitutionally recognised. Now, in terms of the non-recognised minorities, in particular the Christian converts and the Bahais, they really face the worst kind of persecution. They face arbitrary arrest, detention, and imprisonment. “And I noted in my presentation that there is an unacceptable level of persecution and harassment of members of these communities – they face arbitrary arrest and the destruction and confiscation of their properties. There are various other forms of threats, and Christian converts are actually the most vulnerable in the sense that they are not recognised: it is very difficult for the state and the state ideology to accept that Muslims, or Shia Muslims, would convert to another religion.” Mr Rehman noted that although apostasy is “not contained in the Constitution or legislative framework as a capital offence, but in Sharia law this could and this does carry the death penalty, and therefore the judges use Article 167 of the Constitution to interpret apostasy as an offence that carries the death penalty. And we have a number of instances where people have been charged with the death penalty. “But inevitably a lot of Christian converts are charged with offences that carry national-security allegations: that they are breaching national security, and therefore they are persecuted, they are tortured, and they are made to somehow recant – to say that ‘OK, we’re no longer Christians’ – which is contrary to their moral and personal conscience. “So I remain extremely concerned at the situation of Christian converts, and I’m looking forward to some concrete recommendations as to how we can ensure that people of diverse religions or beliefs could live in a society which is overwhelmingly dominated by a particular ideological faith, and they are imposing that faith on the rest of the community.” Fernand de Varennes The second speaker was Fernand de Varennes, UN Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues, who said he wanted to “present an even broader context as to what has occurred in relation to the Christian minority and other religious or belief minorities in Iran”. Mr de Varennes highlighted the plight of the Bahais, before adding that the targeting of minorities “seems to be increasing also in relation to other religious minorities in Iran, and in the more general region”, including what he said “seems to be a policy of systemic persecution of groups such as specifically Christian converts, but also atheists, or non-believers, and Gonabadi dervishes”. “We are seeing not only in Iran, but in neighbouring countries also, a rise of nationalism, which has a religious tint, and this means a polarisation, the use of identity politics by certain politicians around ‘majority’ identity,” he said. “… Who are at the receiving end of this situation, where majoritarian nationalism has a religious tint? Minorities. Minorities are identified as the ‘others’, as ‘foreign’, ‘different’, a ‘danger’.” The special rapporteur said that while the trend wasn’t “unique to Iran, it is extremely serious in Iran, and we have to understand this more general context to try to find solutions. What can we do? … Are we doing enough? Are we even doing anything serious in terms of the international community?” He added that he felt it was time for the UN to “recognise where we’re failing”. “And in my view the United Nations is failing,” he said, “by not recognising sufficiently where some of the most serious, brutal abusive violations of human rights have occurred. And this is with minorities, including religious or belief minorities in many parts of the world.” Mr de Varennes concluded by highlighting his recommendation for a new legal framework and treaty for minorities “that actually identifies, clarifies, and tries to protect the human rights of those who are the most vulnerable right now, the most marginalised, and these are minorities, including religious or belief minorities in Iran, and other minorities in many parts of the world”. “Some would say that it’s not realistic, governments will never accept a new treaty to protect minorities,” he said. “But that should not prevent us from trying to improve the protection of those who cannot protect themselves – minorities, including in countries such as Iran.” Victor Bet-Tamraz Pastor Victor Bet-Tamraz, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison for leading a house-church, was the next to speak, beginning by holding up a copy of a Persian-language Bible. “This is a Persian Bible, which is illegal in Iran,” he said. “If you have it, that is a crime for you.” Pastor Victor explained that he had pastored both Assyrian and Persian-speaking communities for over 40 years, saying: “As a member of recognised minority groups, we faced significant limitation, discrimination, control, and constant monitoring regarding … our religious practices. “Two weeks after the revolution in 1979, the extreme persecution of Farsi-speaking pastors began. Convert pastors and leaders were targeted, attacked, and in some cases murdered. “When I started my ministry, like any other pastor [in Iran], I was obligated to cooperate with the government, providing them with detailed information and reports on our church activities, [though] I did not comply. With time, things took a turn for the worse. My situation escalated as I faced increase interrogation, close monitoring and threats to my family, especially to my children. “During one of my interrogations, with a smirk on his face, my interrogator told me ‘Children [go] missing every day. Car accidents happen to most of the people,’ while reminding me of the traumatic experiences [of] MOIS [Ministry of Intelligence] officers trying to kidnap my teenage child. “In 2009 the government shut down my church, followed by the closure of other Pentecostal Assyrian churches. Later, during a private Christmas gathering in 2014, I was arrested and held in solitary confinement for 65 days for a crime I did not commit. “My charges were ‘acting against national security’, ‘evangelism’, and ‘promoting terrorism’. Back then, no-one thought that the government would close down all our churches, and arrest pastors and leaders. No-one thought they could get away with persecuting Assyrian and Armenian leaders [so] obviously. “And yet, subsequently, almost all evangelical Persian-speaking churches have been closed. And because of this, today evangelical Assyrian Christians and Pentecostals, as well as Christian converts, have no place to worship; you can’t imagine! “My wife and I, we were eventually forced to flee Iran, facing a combined 15 years in prison only for continuing to minister to convert Christians, as should be our right under the international covenant. Instead, we were arrested and labelled ‘spies’ and ‘terrorists’. He concluded: “We want our churches back, our charges to be dropped, and our members to have the right to gather and to worship in our own church buildings.” Shamiram Issavi Pastor Victor’s wife, Shamiram, who was sentenced to five years in prison on trumped-up charges of “spying”, was next to speak. “As my husband said, it is difficult to remember and to mention what has happened to us as a family,” she said. “I remember when I was in the midst of all this persecution, I wrote a letter to the United Nations. But due to the fear of making the situation much worse, I didn’t send it. “You know, for 44 years, the Iranian government has [used] fear as an arm to control its own citizens, and to impose its own ideology and its belief. Particularly the women are vulnerable in this situation; they are … humiliated, they are discriminated. But I’m so happy that today I am the witness of widespread protests, and the people, especially the young generation, who are breaking the wall of fear… And for me, now is the time [for] fear to go away and people [to] stand for their rights. “Since September last year we saw these widespread protests, following the death of Mahsa Amini. But I’m sad to say this such treatment is not new for me. From the very beginning of the revolution, we are the witnesses of harassment, violation, discrimination, for women and for most of the people. “As a Christian, working in the Bible Society and later on ministering in the church, I am the witness of this discriminating behaviour towards women. And it seems that we are forced to believe this is the normal life that we have to live. When standing for our rights, women will be labelled as ‘prostitutes’, as ‘low class’, ‘uneducated’, and sometimes even the ‘spies of the Western countries’. Nobody listens to what they really want. “As a Christian, if we ask for our legal rights and freedom, we will be labelled as ‘poisonous fungus and cancerous tumours who should be operated on and separated’ from their own community. This is the [kind of] public statement that our political leaders are making. And if you refuse [to comply], as my husband and myself did, we have to be silenced, by whatever means they want to find. “In the time of interrogation, it [seemed] funny to [them to] humiliate me, to break me down. They said that all my activities, my ministry, my faith, and the way that we have worked with the people [was] just to give them the freedom to [explore] their sexual desire. Nothing more than that. And [that] my faith is nothing and is compared to like worshipping a chimney or a dog! “The Iranian government has a track record of lying, deceiving, arresting Christians based on lies. Without any solid proof, they put them in the prison. “You know, when my son was arrested, I nearly had a heart attack, because I heard that their accusation is that they have arrested him in an armed gang opposing the government. And the truth was that my son and his family and his friends were only in a picnic gathering together, and having fun with each other. “This was the accusation. And they knew that this is baseless, but yet he was in the prison, and he was charged. “We had to send our daughter away from us, because she was threatened for her life. These are not simple [things] to bear. That is why I understand fully why the mothers of our country now are in pain, and having a difficult time when they see their children are in the prison, without any real charges. The accusations are all lies about these people; they just want a normal life. And I am not here speaking about myself, I am here speaking about the truth of Iranian people who are suffering [at the hands of] the government. “I ask the United Nations to publicly call on the Iranian government to uphold the right [of] freedom of religion or belief for every citizen, whatever they want to believe, and to hold Iran accountable for its inhuman treatment, of women rights in particular, and for all the people of my country. And this is the [word] that today is [being spoken] in the streets and everywhere, and all over the world, that freedom is for women, freedom and life. This is what we are asking for every human being back in my country.” Mansour Borji Mr Borji holds up a photograph of Sara Ahmadi and Homayoun Zhaveh, who are serving a combined 10 years in prison for being part of a house-church. Following the testimonies of Victor and Shamiram, Article18’s director, Mansour Borji, outlined the major findings of the joint report, as well as holding up photographs of several of those sentenced or serving sentences in 2022, including Iranian-Armenian pastors Joseph Shahbazian and Anooshavan Avedian, and Christian converts Mina Khajavi and Malihe Nazari, Sara Ahmadi and Homayoun Zhaveh, and Yasser Akbari. “Yasser Akbari’s handicapped child sadly died last year,” Mr Borji explained. “He was only given a few days to attend the funeral – only after the funeral had taken place. He still continues to serve that 10-year prison sentence for holding Bible studies.” Mr Borji added: “Religious minorities, including Christians, continue to be deprived of their rights to practise a faith of their own choosing, in violation of Iran’s obligation as a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights [ICCPR]. “In the year of the death of Mahsa Amini, a young lady from the city of my own birthplace, when Iranians poured out on the streets demanding justice, the report argues that the protests at their core are a cry for freedom – the freedom of Iranian people to live in a way that corresponds with their beliefs.” Gloria Lecesse Finally, Ms Lecesse from Open Doors International highlighted a few of the report’s recommendations. Firstly, Ms Lecesse called on Iran to “uphold the right to freedom of religion or belief for every individual, regardless of their ethnic or linguistic group, and including converts”, amending Article 13 of the Constitution so as “to recognise freedom of religion or belief for all, and not just for a selected number of minority groups”. “Currently, Article 13 only recognises three groups – Zoroastrians, Jews and Christians as the only religious minorities legally allowed to exist within the limits of the law, which is a much broader limitation than what international human rights law allows for restricting freedom of religion or belief,” she explained. “The Iranian government interprets these three recognised minorities to refer only to historical ethnic minority communities in Iran, which is, for example, the Assyrian and Armenian Christian communities. And they are allowed to exist because they constitute a historical heritage for the nation, and as long as they operate within the very restricted interpretation of freedom of religion or belief that the Iranian government is allowing them to operate within. That is really more of a matter of cultural heritage rather than faith. So these minorities, for example, have a lot of limitations, and Victor has been telling you a bit about them. For example, they’re not allowed to have a Bible in Persian or any religious literature in Persian, or to hold a religious service in Persian as well. So they have to be very careful about what they do and how they do it, or they will be harassed, persecuted and imprisoned by the government. “And all other minorities, for example, the Bahai, remain unrecognised by the law and afforded no rights under the constitution. So, legally they’re not even allowed to exist and to believe in their own God and in their own religion. So it is imperative that Iran amends Article 13 of the Constitution as to uphold freedom of religion or belief, as enshrined by Article 18 of the ICCPR, which is a treaty that Iran has ratified, without reservation. Secondly, Ms Lecesse called on Iran to “cease the criminalisation of house-church organisation and membership, and to allow Christians of all ethnic backgrounds, and everyone really, to worship freely and collectively”, which she said was “a natural consequence of implementing the first recommendation”. “Freedom to manifest one’s religion or belief is an integral part of freedom of religion or belief, and it cannot be confined to an official church building,” Ms Lecesse said. “International human rights law allows for individuals to worship freely wherever they wish. So if they want to meet up in a house and pray together, international human rights law allows them to do that, and Iran is legally bound to respect these standards.” Finally, Ms Lecesse called on Iran to “release immediately and unconditionally all Christians detained on charges that are related to their peaceful religious activities, and [to] stop using criminal code provisions … to unjustly detain religious minority faith adherents”. She also called on Iran to allow Mr Rehman to visit the country, and to “fully cooperate with the recently established fact-funding mission tasked to investigate the deteriorating situation of human rights in the country since the start of the protests in September 2022”. Ms Lecesse concluded: “Shamiram described a situation where the government wants to normalise, almost, this pattern of systematic violations of human rights, and we’re just not going to allow them to do that. So we’ll keep speaking up, until all Iranians have their freedom, inherent dignity and rights respected.” SR’s response Before moving on to a time of Q&A, Mr Rehman responded to the comments made by reading out Article 18 of the ICCPR, to which Iran is a signatory: “Article 18.1 says: ‘Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice. And the freedom, either individually or in community with others, and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice, and teaching.’ “So the key points are really quite central for our understanding: that everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, and everyone has the right to have a religion, to adopt another religion, of his or her choice, without any coercion,” he said. “And these are what we call ‘non-derogable’. You cannot derogate from that. Whatever religion or faith I choose for myself, there must not be any interference; the state cannot say, ‘Well, you know, there are public security issues, national security.’ This is my choice! And this is very important for all states to recognise, including Iran. “There are limitations imposed only on the manifestation of religion. And even here, it is very important that we look at those limitations, but a key point before I go into that is Article 18.2, which says ‘No-one shall be subjected to coercion, which will impair his freedom to have or adopt a religion or belief of his choice.’ “Now, all of what we have discussed is a consistent coercion and impairment, and I regret to say that this is happening in Iran.” Mr Rehman concluded: “Article 18.3 says, ‘Freedom to manifest one’s religion or belief may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law.’ So it has to be established first in law. And then these limitations are only legitimate if they’re necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals and fundamental rights and freedoms of others. So all of these charges which we have heard about ‘national security’, that is illegitimate; that violates international obligations which Iran has adhered to.” Q&A Diane Alai of the Bahai International Community. The first of two comments from the audience came from Diane Alai, the UN representative of the Bahai International Community, who thanked Victor and Shamiram for their testimonies, saying it was “very painful for all religious minorities to hear what all religious minorities are suffering, because we’re all together in this in the Islamic Republic of Iran”. “And it’s such a shame,” she added. “There is a film that was done by IranWire that is called ‘The Cost of Discrimination’. And it shows what this discrimination costs not only to the individual but also to Iran, that it deprives Iran of the capacity to benefit from the contribution of members of those minorities. “So in all solidarity, I hope for an Iran where everybody, as you mentioned, Special Rapporteur, will have the right to practise and worship in whichever way they wish.” Finally, a citizen of Azerbaijan said it was “really disturbing” to hear the testimonies of Victor and Shamiram and added that he was “a bit surprised to hear” Iranian-Armenians were also under pressure. Mr Borji replied by referencing the two Armenian pastors sentenced last year to 10 years in prison, adding: “As long as they are not using [the] Persian language as the language of their worship [and] Christian literature, they could be immune [from] certain pressures from the government, but they are not fully entitled to their rights as citizens. “For instance, the Armenians cannot become a president or a judge, or take high office, and you can take that discrimination to the extreme of imprisonment if they violate Iran’s unwritten codes of practice.” The event can be watched in full by clicking on the video below or visiting the YouTube page of the World Evangelical Alliance:
Annual report presentation at UK parliament 28 March 2023 News Left to right: Mojtaba Hosseini, Nazila Ghanea, Fiona Bruce, Sara Fooladi, Mansour Borji. The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Nazila Ghanea, joined Article18’s director, Mansour Borji, and two Iranian Christian survivors of persecution, Mojtaba Hosseini and Sara Fooladi, for the UK parliament presentation of our joint annual report last week. The 22 March event was hosted by Fiona Bruce, the UK Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for FoRB and chair of the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance (IRFBA). The main contributions of the speakers are summarised below. Fiona Bruce Opening the meeting, Ms Bruce said: “The Islamic Republic of Iran, as we know, is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the ICCPR, which articulates a right to have or adopt a religion or belief of one’s choice, and to publicly manifest that in worship, observance, practice and teaching. But we know that that is far from what is happening in practice in Iran today, and indeed has been the case for a very, very long time. “Last September, mass protests erupted following the death of Mahsa Amini, murdered because she was deemed to have failed properly to adhere to the dress code of the majority faith, a dress code that had been imposed for almost 44 years on Iranian women of all faiths and none. And of course, we all know what’s happened since then. Many protests, many brave people; some have lost their lives. And we have some brave people here today.” .@UK_FoRBEnvoy Fiona Bruce has opened our meeting here today at @UKParliament on 'Rights Violations Against #Christians in #Iran'. Joint report by @articleeighteen @CSWadvocacy @OpenDoorsUK @MiddleEConcern. #FoRBforall pic.twitter.com/chkWeNobj9— Article18 (@articleeighteen) March 22, 2023 Mansour Borji Mr Borji began his speech by outlining the major findings of the report, before highlighting the cases of Joseph Shahbazian and Anooshavan Avedian, two Iranian-Armenian pastors sentenced last year to 10 years in prison for holding prayer meetings in their homes, and Christian convert Malihe Nazari, who is now serving a six-year sentence. “Yesterday afternoon, as I landed at Heathrow, I discovered that Malihe was recently given a three-day leave from Evin Prison to visit her son, who is fighting in an aggressive form of cancer,” Mr Borji said. “She was asked to return to prison on the Iranian New Year Day.” Mr Borji also highlighted the cases of Homayoun Zhaveh, a 64-year-old with advanced Parkinson’s disease, and his wife, Sara Ahmadi, who are serving a combined 10-year sentence. “At the start of the New Year, those Christians and many others like them, and also those from other religious minorities across Iran, are missed by their loved ones around the festive haftsin table,” he said. “We continue to see the incredible courage of the Iranian Christians and other oppressed religious minorities standing strong, despite the real risk of arrest, detention, imprisonment, and even execution, but they need our support.” Mr Borji ended by highlighting three of the recommendations given in the report: to “call on the Government of Iran to uphold the right to freedom of religion or belief for every citizen; release immediately and unconditionally all Christians detained on charges related to their faith or religious activities; and cease the criminalisation of church organisation and membership, allowing Christians of all ethnic backgrounds to worship freely and collectively, as Persian-speaking Christians still have no place to worship”. He concluded: “We would like to British government and distinguished members of this house to firmly stand with the Iranian people, calling for a hopeful future where the right to freedom of religion or belief is respected for all. This will truly be a happy Nowruz, or ‘new day’.” Sara Ahmadi and Homayoun Zhaveh, who has advanced Parkinson’s disease, are serving a combined 10 years in prison. Mojtaba Hosseini Mojtaba, whose Notes From Prison are being published on Article18’s website, described his journey of coming to faith in Christ, and his subsequent arrests and more than three years’ imprisonment. “I was 18 when I converted to Christianity, alongside a couple of family members, including my dad,” he explained. “As we were keen and needed to learn more about our faith and how to practise it, we went to the official church building in our city, Shiraz. But unfortunately, they didn’t welcome us, as the government had banned Persians from taking part in the official church gatherings of Armenian and Assyrian Iranians. “Farsi-speaking Christians like me have no place to worship in Iran, so we, with other Christian families, had to gather in our own houses. As a result, when I was 20 years old, I was arrested in my house with other Christian family members, without legal procedures. “They put handcuffs on me, they blindfolded me, and put me in a car and took me to an unknown place. And I was put in a solitary confinement for 22 days, with many heavy interrogations, and threats of torture and death.” A year later, Mojtaba explained, he was given a suspended sentence of eight months on charges of “propaganda against the government by cooperating with foreign organisations”. “They said I was cooperating with organisations being supported by Israel, the US and sometimes the UK,” he recalled. “After that, we were constantly under intense surveillance, such as our phones being tapped, as we continued to gather in our own houses secretly and worship our God, as there was no place for Farsi speakers like us to worship God. “It led to another arrest when I was 24. This time, after over a month being in solitary confinement, with heavy interrogations, and lots of mental and emotional torture from the interrogators and also the jail guards, they sent me to the public prison, with no kind of official court sessions or legal procedures, such as no right to have a lawyer. “And they transferred me to this public prison of Shiraz, called Adel Abad, with 8,000 prisoners in it. And I was kept there for three years, among dangerous criminals, in terrible conditions. “For 20 months, I didn’t even know how long my sentence was, and how long I would stay in this prison. It was not legal to keep me for so long without giving me a sentence. And it was an incredibly painful time as I waited. “And finally, after 24 months, my final sentence was three years and eight months in prison on charges including ‘creating illegal groups’, which was our just simple gatherings, peaceful gatherings, worshipping God together, and also charges like ‘threats against national security’.” Mojtaba said that even after his release “I was forced to leave Iran and I became a refugee in Turkey, which continued the pain and suffering my family and I had to bear for my faith”. “For every individual who faces persecution such as this, it’s not only about the individual, but also a large group of people around them, such as family and friends, who suffer in some ways more,” Mojtaba said. “The simplest rights in life become the most prominent wishes for these people: for example, a simple hug from my mum, and not to be able to see my nieces and take them to the park and buy them an ice cream. And it is just because [of] these people’s faith, belief in God, in Jesus, a God who they like to worship.” Mojtaba ended with a question: “What is the solution for these people? Some Christian Iranians are disappointed in international support; we can’t see the improvements.” But he added: “Many people at the moment have put their hope in brave men and women who are protesting against the oppression of the dictatorship regime. And we as Christians also hope in this revolution of women, life, freedom, [and] under the umbrella of that hopefully Christians can practise their faith freely in future.” Mojtaba’s Notes From Prison are being published on Article18’s website. Sara Fooladi “My story begins when I became a Christian in 2000 and joined a house-church,” Sara explained. “We used to gather in a house-church, because as Christian converts we were not allowed to attend the official church buildings of Armenian and Assyrian Iranians. We had no place to worship, except in each other’s houses. “Gathering with others in these circumstances was always full of fear and trembling, because the government thinks such gatherings are illegal, and considers them a crime: a crime that carries heavy penalties of up to 10 years in prison.” Because of the constraints, Sara explained how converts “try to gather in a safe way, and in small numbers to worship; they have to sing songs in a low voice, communicating over the phone with code words. We could only obtain a Bible after looking everywhere to finally get hold of a copy through risky ways, and after many complications, as the Bible seems to be considered a forbidden book in Iran”. “I know that this story of my arrest for worshipping in a private gathering in a house may be astonishing to you and hard to believe,” Sara said. “Our home church was a normal, peaceful gathering of Christians like the thousands of Bible study groups that are held in this country every day. We prayed, sang Christian songs, studied the Bible together, and tried to meet the needs of each other and the community around us. “However, one day in February 2013, as we gathered together to share fellowship, suddenly 13 officers stormed the house, without showing any court order. They insulted us, threatened and shouted abuse at us. They terrified us; they treated us like criminals! They handcuffed us and took us to the detention centre without even letting us inform our families. “They put us in a cell so dirty that I got lice in my hair, and they cut my hair. They took us for interrogations from the evening to the next morning, until the point of exhaustion. “We experienced all kinds of white torture. They played the sound of torture of [other] prisoners, which was a technique to create terror in us. There was a lot of pressure on us because they threatened not only us, but also our families. “In court, when the judge heard about the social activities of our church, he was very impressed. Nevertheless, under the pressure of the officials of the Ministry of Intelligence, he was forced to issue a prison sentence for us. He told us: ‘I respect you! You are honest, honourable and useful people for the society, but I have to issue these sentences.’ “After our temporary release, we went to some important government institutions and said: ‘We are ready to go to prison for becoming Christians, but we disagree with the accusations made against us. We did not act against national security. We did not violate the civil laws.’ But none of these institutions had the power to challenge the order of the Ministry of Intelligence.” After two other church members were arrested, Sara explained how she was “forced to leave Iran, in tears”. She concluded: “One day Iran will be free and the world will be in awe of the valuable social service that Iranian women converts to Christianity have taken despite many restrictions. I am happy for the people of my country, who, hand in hand, are dancing to freedom today with a new awareness. Hoping for a prosperous, and free Iran.” Nazila Ghanea Rev Mehdi Dibaj was one of several Iranian Christian leaders to be killed in the early 1990s. Ms Ghanea began her speech by referencing the murders nearly 30 years ago of pastors Mehdi Dibaj – who was sentenced to death for his “apostasy” – and Haik Hovsepian, who successfully campaigned for his friend’s release but was killed three days later. “This kind of cynical playing with public sentiment, playing the media, trying to accuse falsely Christians of these heavy crimes has been going on for many, many years,” she said. And while Christians are one of only three recognised religious minorities in Iran, Ms Ghanea noted that “it is also blatantly clear that that recognition does not apply to evangelical Christians [or] to converts”. Even the recognised Christians of Armenian and Assyrian descent face “discriminatory treatment”, Ms Ghanea said, but separation along ethnic lines “became a way to sift the acceptable yet discriminated Christians from those that may [be converts]”. “I don’t know what this great fear of converts is [about],” she said, “but it’s very real.” Ms Ghanea referred to her own experiences in the mid-90s of seeing guards in Isfahan “standing outside the churches, checking IDs to allow ethnic Christians in, and to demand that Christians use a language other than Persian,” which she said was “effectively a total prohibition and ban on Christian [converts] going to church – churches that are allegedly recognised, but access to it is monitored and banned”. “Effectively, we should say that Christian converts, and Christians that have Persian as their language and are not ethnically distinct, are also not recognised,” she said. “That’s what we see [in] practice.” There’s “certainly no equality or non-discriminatory treatment” even for recognised minorities, Ms Ghanea said, adding: “Even their MPs are forced to be parachuted around the world, and to say that they are, for example, ‘the freest Jews in the Middle East’. I don’t know who buys that, but there is pressure even on their MPs to become part of the PR machine, let alone the non-recognised.” Ms Ghanea also noted that, until the mid-90s, the Christian community “did not want their case raised in UN fora”. “I understand it’s for each community to decide how it wants to champion [their] human rights,” she said, “and perhaps all possible domestic channels had been exhausted and it was then out of desperation, really, that the case then came to the UN, and it has been on the agenda since then, fairly consistently.” Bishop Haik Hovsepian was killed three days after his campaigning secured the release from prison of his friend, Mehdi Dibaj. Ms Ghanea bemoaned that the last time the Special Rapporteur on FoRB was allowed access to Iran was in December 1995, when “Professor Abdelfattah Amor visited Iran for roughly 10 days, went to three cities; he had some 40 recommendations. All of them remain valid today; progress has not been made on any of them. Many of them have become much more alarming since then.” Ms Ghanea added that Christians are not just being “seriously” deprived of their right to freedom of religion, but also to other rights such as to “due process, no torture, access to a lawyer, non-discrimination, the rights of women and girls … freedom of expression”. Ms Ghanea noted that “it hurts even more” for Christians’ real “crimes” to be cloaked under false charges such as “acting against national security”. “Your [real] crime is that you are Christian; your crime is that you have Christian literature; your crime is that you gather with other Christians in house-churches; and your crime is that you converted,” she said. The special rapporteur said the recent changes to Articles 499 and 500 of the penal code were “particularly alarming because they are yet another layer of efforts to clothe the the real crimes against Christians and other religious minorities, and they are being clothed in legality. And we do not fall for it, and we must make sure that nobody else falls for it.” Ms Ghanea also called on Article18 and partners Open Doors, CSW and Middle East Concern to “give more attention” in future reports to the plight of refugees. “Thousands are just waiting and waiting and waiting in Türkiye, with no end in sight to when they can be resettled,” she said. “We must address that, too.” The rapporteur ended with a note of hope, referring to the establishment of the fact-finding mission to Iran in November, when cries of “zan, zendegi, azadeh” (women, life, freedom) were “echoed by many of the delegations” at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. “The pain that Christians have suffered in Iran, unfortunately, is now being shared by many others in Iran,” she said. “And perhaps that is the beginning of a new culture of human rights in that country.” It was a profoundly moving event, with your compassion as Chair, and the first-hand experiences of the suffering that was shared. We all have to do so much better in alleviating #FoRB #HumanRights pain. The publication presents the matter very effectively https://t.co/VoIkDerGf4 https://t.co/XbKMPGKymd— UNSR on freedom of religion or belief (@NazilaGhanea) March 23, 2023 Q&A The first question came from CSW president, Mervyn Thomas, who asked: “What international levers are there against Iran that may be used by individual countries, like the UK, or members of IRFBA? Magnitsky-type sanctions?” Ms Bruce said she agreed “Magnitsky-type sanctions should be used for breaches of freedom of religion or belief much more”. “I’m hopeful that we’re on a journey with regard to those sanctions,” she said. “It’s very early days; the legislation was only introduced a few years ago, and obviously there have been some big issues to address with authoritarian countries, in particular regarding the war against Ukraine, and also issues coming out of China. “But nonetheless, I think you’re absolutely right, that we need to keep pressing our government and other governments to use these sanctions on issues of FoRB.” Ms Ghanea acknowledged the disappointment felt towards the UN, but said there are “many obstacles” and that the UN’s hands are “tied in every possible way”. “The United Nations Human Rights mechanisms are those of a state-centred system,” she explained. “It is the states that decide them, and if they are not inclusive enough, that is precisely the reason. “UN Human Rights mechanisms have some leverage if there is an independent judiciary, if there is a free media, if there is an active civil society; if the victims of human rights violations have access to individual complaints, which Iran has not allowed for any of the UN human rights treaties. There are many ifs there. If there is an independent national human rights institution. We have a national human rights institution in Iran; it is not independent. Is there free access [for] Iranian civil society to report their situation? Are the UN Special Rapporteurs – who, after all, at least we know they are independent – are they able to visit Iran? “Again, this game that Iran plays. Iran says that there is a standing invitation for all UN rapporteurs to be able to freely visit Iran. They never allow that visit to actually take place.” Ms Ghanea said that when violations against religious minorities were raised in a recent communication to Iran, “the response we got from Iran was a long document with many pictures of spilt blood and bodies from [the terrorist attack on] Shah Cheragh [shrine in Shiraz]. They did not actually respond to the individual communication.” She ended by calling for more collaboration, including on resettlement of refugees. “States should be much more joined up in all of their activities,” she said. “We don’t want resettlement to be the response to religious persecution – people should not be obliged to leave their countries – but sometimes they are forced to. And we need to look at that. “And we need to look at all engagement with [Iran] having human rights at its heart. States have various relationships that they need and various issues that they need to have on the agenda, but human rights must be part of it. Magnitsky sanctions are certainly one of those actions. If there are any trade or other agreements raised, if there are prisoner releases; this topic should be on the table the whole time.” The second question came from Middle East Concern’s Rob Duncan, who asked what options are available for Iranian Christians after they are arrested and released on bail. Mr Borji said that for many people, waiting for long sentences to be handed out was in itself a “crushing” experience that “not many people can endure”, and therefore many leave the country. “Facing the prospect of 10 years in prison is not everybody’s cup of tea,” he said, “so many of them end up in transit countries, places like Türkiye, which is a double vulnerability: being forced out of your own home and your own country, and now being in [another] country, [and] stagnant. Many refugees [have] no place to go from there, and many of them actually have expressed that ‘the pressure, the trauma we’re facing here is much more than what we have faced back home’.” The next question came from another CSW representative, Wael Aleji, who asked: “Is there any psychological support available for victims and their families, and human rights defenders, inside and outside Iran?” Mojtaba said his experience “hasn’t been easy” but thanked Mr Borji and Article18 for being a “constant presence” whilst he was in prison, who “became a bridge between us [who] didn’t have any voice, to all the Western churches”. Mojtaba added that he had also benefited from Article18’s trauma-awareness course, which he said was “really helpful”, but said he knew Mr Borji was limited in terms of resources and “needs a lot of support”. However, he added that although many people had offered psychological support, many of those did not have the sufficient experience of Iran, which he said “prevented me from sharing all my emotions, as I didn’t want to be disappointed”. Mr Borji said he was “glad the word ‘psychological care’ is now [being] brought to our consciousnesses a lot more”, but that “the need is vast, and we do need more organisations to prepare and also offer these services”. He added: “What we’ve done for these people – Mojtaba was very gracious – but it’s not enough.” Ms Ghanea noted that the 22 days in solitary confinement that Mojtaba experienced itself amounted to torture. “The Special Rapporteur on torture said a number of years ago that that constitutes torture in and of itself,” she said. Finally, Iranian-born Anglican vicar Pouya Heidari, who shared that he was also arrested in Iran, asked what can be done to address Christians being charged with political crimes while the Iranian government is “shamelessly saying ‘there is religious freedom in this country and people are exercising it’”. In response, Ms Ghanea highlighted the work of Ms Bruce and IRFBA, through which 42 different states are “coordinating regularly and brainstorming regularly on how to draw attention [to] and advance the rights of religious or belief minorities, and to advance freedom of belief”. “One of the newer innovations [of IRFBA] is also to champion prisoners of conscience,” she added. On top of this, Ms Ghanea suggested that those drawing attention to abuses of the right to religious freedom should also focus on the other rights that are being violated. “We know that the targeting is on grounds of religion or belief, but alongside that many other human rights are being violated that also deserve attention,” she said. “We need to be able to communicate these accounts to – if I just look at the United Nations – the Special Rapporteur on the prohibition of torture, the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, the Special Rapporteur on cultural rights, the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges, the Special Rapporteur on upholding human rights while countering terrorism, because … when we wrote to the government of Iran regarding that case, they talked to us about terrorism. Well, even if you’re countering terrorism, and even if there were religious minorities that were amongst terrorists, they too have human rights. And we still need to uphold human rights, whilst countering terrorism. I know it’s fake, but I’m just saying: even in those instances, there are rights to be upheld.” Ms Bruce ended the meeting by reassuring the audience: “I don’t attend these meetings just to listen and then walk away. I always aim to undertake some action as a result.” The Special Envoy then pledged two pieces of action: “to have a meeting in the Foreign Office regarding this [report], and to look at how our international alliance can better network support for human rights defenders. “And let’s see what we can do as an international alliance of 42 countries to draw together that support that’s available, and ensure that, where possible, it may be better resourced.”
8. Trial 25 March 2023 Notes from Prison This is the eighth in a series of articles by Mojtaba Hosseini, an Iranian convert to Christianity who spent more than three years in prison in the southern city of Shiraz because of his membership of a house-church. Mojtaba’s first note from prison explained his journey to faith and the first of his two subsequent arrests; his second detailed his long interrogation; his third explained the desperation and loneliness of solitary confinement and his fourth described some of the dreams and visions he had in solitary. His fifth note described his court hearing, his sixth his first moments in prison. In his seventh note, Mojtaba told us his emotions in the moments and days after his release on bail, and in this eighth note he recounts his year-long trial. The trial began two months after my release on bail. Two other members of my house-church were tried alongside me. Some other members had been spared this fate after pledging to no longer attend meetings. The judge in our case, who received his orders directly from the Ministry of Intelligence, constantly put us under pressure psychologically, in various ways. The trial dragged on for almost a year, and during this time we were summoned to court many times, but each time the court hearing would be cancelled under various pretexts. For example, when we arrived on the date of our summons, they would tell us: “We didn’t send you any summons! You are mistaken!” Or another time, they would say: “The judge isn’t here today.” Or sometimes the hearing would just be postponed until two months later. All this going to court, only to have to go home and wait again, was extremely frustrating and stressful, because the decision this court would make was going to be absolutely pivotal regarding my future. I just didn’t know what was going to happen, and every time I went to court I’d have to wait for hours outside the door of the judge’s room, only for them to eventually come and tell me the court session wasn’t going to take place that day after all. I’m sure that part of the reason they did this was to increase our fear and distrust of them – for example, fearing that after the hearing they might just decide to handcuff us and take us back to prison. And in fact this was very possible, such is the lawlessness and corruption of the judiciary within the Islamic Republic of Iran. I myself saw it happen to others. United But throughout this long period of waiting, I and my two friends tried alongside me had such powerful moments standing together in prayer and unity. Truly, standing side by side made us stronger and braver in this struggle of faith. In those days, as members of a divine family, we encouraged one another by reminding each other of the faithfulness of our King and Saviour, and how he had delivered us from the realm of darkness, and the captivity of the past, and had brought us into His realm of light, where freedom and eternal peace prevail. The days we spent waiting in the courthouse were a testimony to our faith and the love that God had given us. Just outside the door where we were to be condemned for this faith, we sang songs of praise and worship, and testified to the goodness of our God. They tried to keep us under their control by making us stay in this constant state of uncertainty and fear regarding the next court hearing, but in the end this process just led me deeper into the Word of God. I particularly related to the Psalms, and especially the prayers of David as, like him, I was also in danger of harm from my enemies. I memorised Psalm 62, which begins: “Truly my soul finds rest in God; my salvation comes from Him. Truly He is my rock and my salvation; He is my fortress, I will never be shaken.” And, like David, I found courage in telling God about my fears and distress, as well as praying with authority against the plans of my enemies and asking for the protection of my God. These psalms became like a rock that I could lean on through a turbulent storm, enabling me to lift my eyes above my situation, the threat of the enemy, and my human frailty. It was during this time that I learned that true freedom meant being able to courageously express my faith and belief even in a courtroom, and in front of a judge, and that this sweet freedom could be mine whether I found myself inside or outside prison walls. Sentencing Finally, almost a year after the trial began, we were officially convicted of “propaganda against the Islamic Republic of Iran”. The judge had listened to our defence, but it seemed to have had no effect at all. We had kept trying to emphasise how none of our activities were political at all, but he continued to accuse us of acting against the Islamic beliefs on which the government is based, and called us “deviant” Christians – to separate us from the official Christians in the country [of Armenian and Assyrian descent]. Finally, because of the unjust practices of the court, and the empty and false accusations made against me, the judge sentenced me to eight months in prison, suspended for five years. This meant that if I evangelised, attended any gatherings with other Christians, or did any other Christian activities in the next five years, I would have to serve my sentence, and in fact a heavier sentence would also be imposed upon me. And, as from the very beginning – when they raided my house without showing any warrant – they continued their inhumane lawlessness and unjust practices by refusing to provide me with a formal verdict. They only told me verbally. I asked the judge to issue my sentence in writing, but he just told me: “Go and thank God that I didn’t give you a heavier sentence than this!”
7. Taste of Freedom 18 March 2023 Notes from Prison This is the seventh in a series of articles by Mojtaba Hosseini, an Iranian convert to Christianity who spent more than three years in prison in the southern city of Shiraz because of his membership of a house-church. Mojtaba’s first note from prison explained his journey to faith and the first of his two subsequent arrests; his second detailed his long interrogation; his third explained the desperation and loneliness of solitary confinement and his fourth described some of the dreams and visions he had in solitary. His fifth note described his court hearing, and in his sixth he told us about his first moments in prison. In this seventh note, Mojtaba tells us his emotions in the moments and days after his release on bail. After 21 days in that suffocating solitary cell and two days in the public prison in Shiraz, Adel Abad, I was still waiting to see if my family would be able to post bail for me when, at 7pm, my name was suddenly called, just as I had lost hope that there was any chance I would be released that day. I quickly ran to the door of my cell, where the prison guard told me: “Gather your belongings. You’re free to go.” The prospect of freedom seemed like a sweet dream coming true, but it also felt strange to say goodbye to my cellmates. Even though we hadn’t been together long, tears welled in my eyes as I considered their own miserable situation, which I could now very well appreciate. I especially felt bad for them, considering how they were mostly young men who had at one point or another committed a crime as a result of a bad decision – whether under the bad influence of a friend, or difficult family circumstances. God deeply moved my heart and showed me how much they needed the true freedom that can only be found in what Christ did for them on the Cross, when he took the blame for all the bad things any of us will ever do. I knew that Christ wanted to be just as close to them as to people outside prison, and perhaps even more so. No looking back With every step I took towards the prison exit, it became easier to believe that I truly was about to be free. I didn’t once look back. And as the door was opened, there in front of me was the face that I knew better than anyone else’s – that of my father, who was waiting for me with tears and a smile. I quickly ran to him, and hugged him, and in that moment his warm, loving embrace gave me a deep sense of peace that felt like paradise and relieved me of all the pain and troubles of the past few weeks. In the days that followed, for the first time in my life I realised how grateful I ought to be for my freedom. Until then, freedom had been like oxygen – something that felt so natural that I rarely considered I should be grateful for it. And in fact freedom should be as natural as oxygen, because it is freedom that allows us to live with dignity. Returning home and being back with my family was an indescribable pleasure. And as with the joy of freedom, I now felt truly grateful for these gifts of family and home. It was as though I now saw everything differently, and that the true value of everything had become clearer to me. But this feeling of freedom didn’t last long. I had nightmares, and because of the threats made during my interrogations – such as that my phone calls would be monitored – I found it difficult to do anything without fear or anxiety. Meeting with friends felt especially fraught. I felt as though I was constantly being followed by security agents, and this fear and my concerns about using my phone induced a lot of stress in me. A bigger prison It felt like I was now just in a bigger prison. And I knew that this was their goal – to create a prison for me, mentally and psychologically, through their threats, so that I would be completely under their control and act in the way they wanted. But the power and impact of the One who had freed me from greater fears than these was much bigger than my nightmares, or any threats, and in the midst of my stress the true value of what I had found in Christ became even more apparent. I was proud that I had remained true to my faith, and that even at my young age He had enabled me to be strong and brave, in spite of the hardships I had endured and in the face of such harsh security agents. What was better: life with Christ, with all its challenges, or life without Him? That monotonous life that I had once known, with all its superficial and fleeting things, or this new life in which I had found true freedom and hope for the future? In spite of the persecution I was enduring, my friendship with and passion for Christ not only didn’t deteriorate; it reached new depths. And part of the reason was the encouragement of my Christian brothers and sisters, with whom I could talk and pray about my fears, challenges and spiritual experiences, and together find comfort in our trustworthy and faithful God. Though the enemy wanted to separate us, God brought us even closer, like family. I think this is one of the miracles of the Bible, as it is written in 1 Peter 1:6-7: “Though now for a little while you may have had to suffer grief in all kinds of trials, these have come so that the proven genuineness of your faith—of greater worth than gold, which perishes even though refined by fire—may result in praise, glory and honour when Jesus Christ is revealed.” As gold shines more when it goes through fire, so too does the true value and power of our faith. Meanwhile, the value of the freedom, hope, love and new personality that God had given to me and my other friends since we had become Christians was more and more apparent, and his worship and praise was increasingly in our hearts and on our lips.
Supreme Court agrees to retrial of Iranian-Armenian pastor serving 10-year sentence 15 March 2023 News Iran’s Supreme Court has agreed that an ethnic Armenian pastor serving a 10-year prison sentence for holding church services in his home should be afforded a retrial. The ruling by the ninth branch of the Supreme Court, dated 25 February, was communicated to Joseph Shahbazian’s lawyer on Monday, 13 March. In their short explanation, the judges, Ghasem Mezyani and Majid Hosseini-Nik, say that having considered his case, the maximum sentence of 10 years was “not appropriate” as both the Revolutionary and appeal courts failed to “offer any evidence” to prove he was the leader of the group. Joseph, who has been in Tehran’s Evin Prison since last August, was sentenced under Article 498 of the penal code, which provides for up to 10 years’ imprisonment for those who “establish groups that aim to disrupt national security”. Under Article 499, the maximum sentence for membership – as opposed to leadership – of such a group is five years. Although Christianity is recognised as a minority religion in Iran’s constitution, in practice this recognition is only given to churches that offer services in the ethnic minority languages of Armenian and Assyrian (both historically Christian groups) and not to Persian-speaking churches – whether these are run by Christian converts or Armenians or Assyrians – and in recent years almost all such churches have been forcibly closed down and many of their leaders arrested and imprisoned. As a result, hundreds of secret house-churches have cropped up all over Iran, as Iranians who wish to practise the Christian faith in the national language of Persian have no authorised place to worship. But even though the activities of these house-churches are no different from churches all around the world, they have been labelled “enemy groups” by the regime, and therefore considered to fall within the parameters of the description given in Article 498 regarding “groups that aim to disrupt national security”. At least a dozen Iranian Christians, including Joseph, are currently serving sentences of imprisonment or exile as a result of their membership or leadership of house-churches. No date has yet been set for when Joseph’s retrial will be heard by an appeal court. The two women converts sentenced to six years’ imprisonment in the same case, Mina Khajavi and Malihe Nazari, were not part of the retrial bid.
Church Haik Hovsepian founded set to be sold by Iranian state 14 March 2023 News A church of huge significance for Iranian Christians is set to be sold by an organisation headed by Iran’s Supreme Leader. The Assemblies of God church in Gorgan, northeast Iran, has over the years been led by some of the most well-known Iranian pastors, including three who were killed for their faith. The church was founded by perhaps the best known of them all, Haik Hovsepian, who went on to become the head of all Assemblies of God churches in Iran, before his murder in January 1994. Haik Hovsepian was the leader of the Gorgan church for a decade. Bishop Haik established the Gorgan church in 1970, and led it for a decade. After him, other pastors included Hossein Soodmand, who was executed for his “apostasy” in 1990, and Mohammad Bagher Yusefi (known as “Ravanbakhsh”), who like Haik was killed in suspicious circumstances in the mid-90s. Another of the Iranian Church’s martyrs, Ghorban Tourani, was also for a time a member of the church in Gorgan, even after the building’s forced closure. For more than 25 years, the church building in Gorgan has stood empty and dormant, a relic to a former time when, even in the early days of the Islamic Republic, it had seemed possible, for a short while, for Christians – even converts – to meet inside a church building. The first and last leaders of the Gorgan church: Haik and Takoosh Hovsepian (right), and Ravanbakhsh and wife Akhtar. But, as with many other Christian properties in recent years, the Gorgan church has since followed a familiar pattern of forced closure, years passing, and then, when all is almost forgotten, clandestine confiscation and gradual appropriation by the Iranian state. And as with the former Anglican bishop of Iran’s house in Isfahan, which last year was turned into a museum, and the Sharon retreat centre in Karaj, which has also been repurposed, the Gorgan church was simply put up for sale on a state-run website – that of the Execution of Imam Khomeini’s Order (EIKO). The price, 6.3 billion rials, is around $150,000, which EIKO declares is an “exceptionally good offer”. Why is the Gorgan church so significant? A young Haik Hovsepian inside the church bookshop. The home in which the Hovsepians lived for a decade in Gorgan was next door to the Assemblies of God church. As Haik’s widow, Takoosh, recalled in a documentary about the church in 2017: “The Gorgan church was built in such a way that there was only one door between our house and the church. Only one door! And it’s still like that. That’s why all of us were always together, because every time after church we would gather at our house. We would just open the door, and go to our house.” Haik preaching during a visit back to the Gorgan church in 1990, and the church 20 years later. In a recording of the Hovsepian family’s last visit back to the Gorgan church, in 1999, Takoosh says: “It was in this place, in the city of Gorgan, that three of our children – Rebecca, Joseph and Gilbert – were born. And the other spiritual children that God gave us. And we’re back here after years, and since no-one’s living in the church anymore the house and church look a little different, but all the memories that we made here were very sweet. I don’t regret the time we had here. I’m very proud we served the Lord and this city for years.” But misfortune has never been far from the Gorgan church. Even the day of its inauguration was a day of immense sadness for the Iranian Church, as Haik and Takoosh’s firstborn was killed in a car accident at just six months old. And though as with that tragedy 52 years ago much time has since passed, for the Iranian Church that and many other tragedies will forever be part of their history, making the forced closure and final repurposing of yet another church building deeply painful, and even more significant. The church now has a “for sale” sign outside.
6. Behind Bars 11 March 2023 Notes from Prison This is the sixth in a series of articles by Mojtaba Hosseini, an Iranian convert to Christianity who spent more than three years in prison in the southern city of Shiraz because of his membership of a house-church. Mojtaba’s first note from prison explained his journey to faith and the first of his two subsequent arrests; his second detailed his long interrogation; his third explained the desperation and loneliness of solitary confinement and his fourth described some of the dreams and visions he had in solitary. His fifth note described his court hearing. In this sixth note, Mojtaba talks us through his first moments in prison. Inside the prison, I was taken to a room where my name and crime were to be recorded. After asking me for my personal details, the prison officer asked me what my crime was. “Christian,” I replied. He looked up at me in surprise, and said: “Is it a crime to be a Christian?” “It seems so,” I replied. “I am a living example, standing in front of you now.” Suddenly, the agent from the Ministry of Intelligence, who had brought me to the prison, snapped: “Propaganda against the Islamic Republic! His crime is propaganda against the Islamic Republic!” “No, I’m a Christian!” I responded. “And that is the only reason I’m here now. I have never been involved in any propaganda against the Republic!” “Your crime is what I say it is!” he said. “And from now on you are only to declare this, and you have no right to say that you are a Christian – whether to this man or to any other prisoners here!” After taking my fingerprints and searching me, I was taken into the ward. But before entering, the guard warned me again that I had no right to talk to the other prisoners about Christianity. A new home It was such a strange feeling, entering that place. I felt lost, like someone alone in a big city. In front of me was a corridor, off which there were about 10 cells on each side. Each one was about the size of a regular bedroom, but they were packed full of bunk beds, and about 20 people were staying in each cell. I think the number of people in each cell was probably about double their actual capacity. That was why the air was so suffocating. And it was so dirty! Many prisoners turned to look at me as I arrived, and I looked up to see a host of faces of people who looked like no-one I would usually associate with – let alone live with! – and presumably guilty of all kinds of terrible crimes. I felt extremely vulnerable. I was looking around, trying to find a cell that might have room for me, when suddenly one of the prisoners grabbed me and pulled me into his cell. I was terrified by the faces I saw in that cell, and, still clinging onto my belongings, pulled myself away, saying that I first needed to call my family. But no matter how loudly I called for a prison guard, no-one answered. One of the prisoners called out: “What’s your problem?” I replied that I had to call my family. He smiled, and said the phone wasn’t available until noon the next day, and that, when it was, there was only one phone for all the prisoners to fight over. An unexpected opportunity It was at that moment that another of the cells, the closest to the entrance, caught my eye. It looked much cleaner than the other cells, and even the people inside seemed somehow less intimidating. I was just thinking how dearly I would like to stay in that cell when one of the prisoners there pointed at me and told me to come over. “What’s your crime?” they asked, as I entered. “I’m a Christian,” I replied. “Christian?” they all said, surprised. “What do you mean? Why would they arrest you for that?” I explained, and then something interesting happened; they all started sharing positive thoughts about Jesus and Christianity. One of them said: “Did you know that Jesus was born of a virgin named Mary?” A few others said some things about Jesus, and it was a great opportunity for me to share my faith. After a few hours, one of them called over to me and said that he wanted to show me something. Above his bed, there was an image that he had cut out of a magazine, which showed Jesus lying in his mother’s arms after his death. I was so surprised to see such a picture in such a place, and I felt such joy in my heart that there, of all places – in the very cell in which I had found myself – I could gaze upon the image of my dear friend and Saviour. It was so encouraging to me. It was as if He was standing beside me, saying: “I, your Shepherd, am here with you, even in this darkest of valleys.” After dinner I was talking with another prisoner whose face was wounded and bruised. I asked what had happened to him, and he told me how he had been arrested after stealing some things. And then he started talking about his personal life, and the damage that he had done to others, especially to his family. He expressed great remorse, and I told him about Christ’s message of forgiveness, and in the end we prayed together. This was another great encouragement to me, showing me that I could talk about the Bible with these prisoners, and pray for them. I had never expected such an opportunity, but through these experiences my fears were overcome and my heart was filled with peace. It was as though I was walking over stormy seas, eye to eye with Jesus, but the surrounding waves no longer terrified me. When it was time for the lights to be turned out, I was pointed towards a bunk stationed above two others, where no-one else had wanted to sleep. The bed had no pillow, and it was not at all comfortable, but I was so tired that I soon fell asleep. But just a few hours later, around midnight, I was awoken by something, and when I opened my eyes there was smoke everywhere. At first I thought I must be mistaken, but I soon realised that I was in fact correct, and when I looked down to see where it was coming from, I was surprised at what I saw. It turned out that after the lights went off, a great many of the prisoners stayed awake to smoke drugs together. Just below me, on the bottom bunk, several people were sat together, doing drugs. The atmosphere was very heavy and suffocating. On the one hand, my heart was really broken for these people, and I felt so sad to see how miserable their lives had become. And on the other hand I asked myself: “Why should someone like me be here?” And I realised that God had put me there to be a witness for Him. Also, while knowing that God’s plans are always good and based on His perfect wisdom, I was seeing firsthand the cruelty and mercilessness of the government which had made me one of hundreds of Iranian Christians to pass through such dangers and injustices only because of our beliefs. But throughout this journey, we are always able testify to our righteous King and good Shepherd, and still rejoice in Him in the midst of our pain and sorrow.
‘I have to bring back the child who became a Christian,’ says Shia cleric 10 March 2023 News Photo: Shafeghna A prominent Shia cleric has bemoaned how the younger generation of Iranians are leaving Shia Islam for other faiths, including Christianity, and said he views it as his responsibility to “bring them back”. Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Javad Alavi Borujerdi, whose grandfather was one of the teachers of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini, made the comments as part of a public address to Shia students in the religious city of Qom yesterday. “Some people who are separating from us [leaving Shia Islam] came to me,” he said. “Among them, some young people have found a very strange desire for Zoroastrianism. Some people have told me that there is a house-church in Qom, and the number of Wahhabis has increased. Some even seem to be becoming Buddhists! These are our problems. “God knows that the child who went and became a Christian, his responsibility will not be removed from my shoulders. This child is a Shiite. I have to bring him back. I have no right to abandon him. We can’t be complacent that he left!” The ayatollah also admitted that the perception of the clergy has greatly diminished in modern-day Iran, and queried why. “Many of these were people who always followed us and were by our side in everything,” he said. “What did we do to the people? Do the young people of the new generation have anything to do with us? We are strangers to them. They follow anyone but us! Why? What happened that we can not attract them anymore? “The imam of the mosque used to be the community’s pillar! People would die for him! Even girls who did not wear a full hijab would come to the imam and ask their religious questions. We are now only insisting that this girl fix her hijab, while her original beliefs are gone! Belief is one story; action is another. Belief precedes action, but belief has been damaged. We have a problem in passing this heritage to the next generation.” Reacting to the comments, Article18’s director, Mansour Borji, said he noted several admissions in the speech: “Admission of the loss of religious credibility and traditional respect for the Muslim clergy, who are disconnected with the younger generation. Also, contrary to state propaganda that blames the declining interest of youth in Islamic observance – i.e. hijab – on the ‘the enemy’, Ayatollah Borujerdi points his finger at the autocratic state of Iran, by admitting that the faithfuls’ sacrifices have been abused. Despite that, the ayatollah fails to see that people can embrace other faiths for personal reasons too, and not just as a social reaction to a corrupt ruling class.” Although the Iranian regime claims that as many as 95% of Iranians are Shia Muslims, a 2020 survey by a secular Netherlands-based research group found that less than one-third of respondents identified as Shiites, while nearly half said they no longer had any faith, and others said they had converted to other faiths such as Zoroastrianism or Christianity.
‘I felt very sick every time the jailer searched our bodies with her hands’ 8 March 2023 Features Shadi Noveiri was strip-searched multiple times during her 40 days in detention, an experience she describes as “absolutely humiliating and I believe illegal”. The Christian convert, who turned 25 during her incarceration, was subjected to the search each time she was taken from the Ministry of Intelligence detention centre in Rasht, where she was interrogated, back to Lakan Prison, which she calls “one of the worst and most unsanitary prisons in Iran”. “The other prisoners told me: ‘When they want to punish a prisoner, or send them into exile, they send them to Lakan Prison.’” Shadi says the strip-search was used as a form of emotional and psychological torture. “We had to get naked and the female jailer would search our bodies with her hands,” she explains. “Every time, I felt very sick. “Once I became angry and said to her: ‘How many times do you need to do this inspection?’ Then I cried out loud. I cried so hard and with all my heart, and the officer got upset and started crying with me. “‘I’m here because of my faith, and because I’m a Christian!’ I said. ‘I didn’t do anything wrong! I didn’t commit any crime to deserve that you would behave like this!’ The officer was very troubled by my words.” Shadi was arrested alongside her friend, Maryam, in November 2015. The next day, they were charged with “acting against the country’s security through membership of a branch of the Christian community”. In practice, this vaguely-worded charge meant that Shadi and Maryam were part of a house-church – the only place where Christian converts can gather together to worship in Iran, as they are no longer permitted to enter the churches of Iran’s Assyrian and Armenian Christian minorities. But even these house-churches are outlawed and considered anti-state operations, as can be clearly seen in the types of questions Shadi was asked by her interrogators: “What is the name of your pastor and what are his activities? What are your activities at church? Which organisations are you connected to? Do you get paid? Confess and write down the names of the Christians you know, and their activities in the church.” Shadi and Maryam were eventually sentenced to three months in prison for their “crime”, under Article 499 of the penal code, relating to membership of groups that “aim to disrupt the security of the country”. But by this time Shadi had already fled the country. “After my release, I felt that the intelligence agents were always following me and that I was under surveillance,” she says. “In front of our apartment, a car constantly stood guard, controlling my coming and going. I was under their watch wherever I went. “My family were happy about my release from prison, but alongside this happiness, they were also worried. My father was very upset when he learned about my decision to leave Iran, but he supported me and said: ‘If that is the best decision for you, then go.’ He supported me as much as he could.” Shadi left Iran less than a month after her release from prison, and claimed asylum in Turkey. Two months later, her father died. “I had not yet been able to digest the circumstances of my arrest and imprisonment, when suddenly my father died and I felt deep grief and deeply traumatised,” Shadi says. “When I came to Turkey, I felt confused for six months and said to myself: ‘What am I doing here?’ I was emotionally, psychologically and financially very damaged. I felt that I had lost all my life and opportunities to serve. I felt depressed and very bad. “I have been in Turkey for seven years now, and haven’t been interviewed by the UN or the Turkish immigration office. Whenever I pursued my case, I was told by officials that they’d be in touch, but it has never happened.” But Shadi says that emotionally she is now “on the road to recovery”, thanks to the help of a counsellor, and a trauma-awareness seminar put on by Article18. Meanwhile, Shadi now spends most of her time working for the Christian satellite TV channel through which both she and her mother came to faith. “Although my contact with the remaining members of my family is almost cut off, I serve in my local church and, besides preaching and teaching, I also am active among women,” she says. “In addition, I have some collaboration with the Bible Society. But most of my activity these days is with Mohabat TV. “I am currently the host of the Superbook Sunday School programme, and I am also currently producing Christian psychological content for parents and children that can be helpful for parents regarding the challenges they may have with their children. I also work on Christian podcasts.” And as for spending her 25th birthday behind bars? “That day was very special for me,” Shadi says. “In the whole history of my life, the fact that I spent one birthday in prison, in that environment, is very interesting to me. It was a special experience. To be honest, I was really sad that day that I was in prison, but after I got out of prison, every year, on my birthday, I remember that day in prison. “I was in prison on one of my birthdays! It was a special experience, and it’s hard for me to describe how I felt at that time, but I only know that this event was very special for me, and I thought about how interesting it is that God allowed me to be in prison in that situation for one of my birthdays. And that was what I was thinking about on that day.” You can read Shadi’s full Witness Statement here.
Shadi Noveiri 8 March 2023 Witness Statements For a summary of Shadi’s story, you can read our feature article here. Introduction 1. My name is Shadi Noveiri Gilani. After becoming a Christian, I was known by two names: Sheilan and Raha. I was born in Bandar Anzali [in Gilan Province, north Iran] in 1990 and grew up there. I was the first child in my family, and I have one brother. 2. My mother used to watch the programmes of the Christian satellite TV channel Mohabat, and talked to me about Christianity, but I disagreed with what she said. Just before my 17th birthday, one night my mother asked me to call the Mohabat network and request for them to send her a Bible. I called Mohabat’s hotline numbers one after another until, after some time, the call was connected and I requested a Bible for my mother. The person on the other side of the line also prayed for me and my insomnia problem. I didn’t know much about Christianity, but I prayed with all my heart and experienced a profound inner transformation. It was in this way that I became a Christian, on 19 September 2007, and I was baptised in April 2008 in [the adjacent province of] Mazandaran. House-church 3. A few days later, I called the same person from Mohabat and asked for a Bible, and said that I would like to join a house-church. I was then introduced to a Christian couple who were known as Sam and Sara. They lived in Tehran, but they connected me to one of their house-churches in Bandar Anzali. 4. After six months in the group, I started engaging in Christian activities. I used to visit different groups connected to our house-church in the villages and cities of Gilan Province. Gradually, I began to teach at the house-church meetings and became responsible for organising meetings in Gilan Province. The responsibility of facilitating, coordinating and finding a suitable place for conferences inside Iran was another of my activities. A few dozen Christians were present at each of these conferences. In addition, I had one-on-one time with church members to strengthen their faith and answer their questions. 5. In 2012, I met a church member named Maryam, and after that we started to work together. Maryam studied architecture, and I had a degree in accounting. We had an office, and for about a year we helped students with their architecture projects, such as making models. After some time, one of our friends gave us a section of his office and we continued our work there. Then we rented another office in a commercial complex, and worked independently. In addition to the services we provided for students, we were the exclusive representative of a Hungarian brand for waterproof products – Isogum – and were responsible for executing orders. Arrest 6. Once or twice a month, we had a meeting in Tehran or Karaj with others involved in Christian activities in house-churches that were under the supervision of Sam and Sara. Around two days before one of those meetings, which was scheduled to take place in November 2015, my colleague Maryam and I went to stay at her father’s house in Karaj. 7. But on Wednesday 11 November, 2015, between 8.30 and 9am, four or five male officers and one female officer entered Maryam’s father’s house. The officers said to Maryam and me: “Get dressed, we have to go.” I said: “Where? You have to show a warrant first.” They showed us a warrant, which only had Maryam’s name on it, but they arrested both of us and took us away. 8. We didn’t know that the previous night, all the members of our house-churches in Tehran, Karaj, and Qazvin had been arrested. Later, we heard from the manager of our apartment block in Bandar Anzali that the night before we were arrested, three male agents had entered our apartment at 11pm. They had broken down the door and entered the apartment, searched the whole place in a very rough way, and messed up the furniture. They confiscated several SIM cards, with which we used to contact the church members and inform them about the dates of teaching sessions, as well as Christian pamphlets, documents related to our studies at the Pars School of Theology [in the UK], about four Bibles, a guitar, music books of Christian songs, prayer books, and they also confiscated my personal letters that I had written to God, and took them with them. 9. The agents had tracked us and realised that we were in Karaj. This is how we were arrested on that Wednesday morning. About two months before my arrest, I had decided to put my passport, all Christian teaching books and CDs, and all the notes I had written at church meetings and Christian conferences, into two suitcases and remove them from the apartment. These two suitcases weighed about 100kg. For this reason, the agents of the Ministry of Intelligence and Security [MOIS] couldn’t find anything special in our apartment. Although these items didn’t contain any criminal content, they could have used them to put more pressure on me. When the officers rushed into Maryam’s father’s house to arrest us, my mobile phone was in my suitcase and, thank God, the agents didn’t find it! MOIS and Karaj detention centre 10. The agents, who had come in two cars, handcuffed us. When we were in the car, they blindfolded us, and then we went to the Karaj intelligence office, where they asked us for our names and details, and told us to “cooperate” with them. We were kept blindfolded in solitary cells of the detention centre of the MOIS in Karaj until around 10pm. At night, they took us to the detention centre of the prison in Karaj, and said: “Tomorrow morning, we’ll take you to the prosecutor’s office to be charged.” Karaj prosecutor’s office 11. So, on the Thursday morning, at around 9 or 10am, they took us to the Karaj courthouse. In the prosecutor’s office there, they accused us of “acting against the country’s security through membership in a branch of the Christian community” and said they wouldn’t keep us there because our main interrogator was in Rasht, so they had to transfer us there. Their behaviour was relatively polite and they only asked us a few questions, but then they handcuffed us and put our legs in chains, and in that way transported us to the MOIS in Rasht. Ministry of Intelligence and Lakan Prison in Rasht 12. The driver was driving very fast, so we reached Rasht very quickly. We were kept in the detention centre of the MOIS in Rasht until night-time, and then we were transferred to Lakan Prison in Rasht. The routine during our detention was that we were taken to the detention centre of the MOIS in Rasht for interrogation from morning to night, and during the hours of the day when we weren’t interrogated, we were held in the solitary cells of the MOIS. Then at night they returned us to Lakan Prison. Because there were no female officers in the MOIS, they couldn’t keep us in the MOIS at night. 13. I was detained for about 40 days. During this period, I was taken to the detention centre of the MOIS in Rasht for interrogation about six or seven times, and then returned to prison. We were blindfolded during the drive from the prison to the detention centre, but we weren’t blindfolded during the interrogations. In the mornings, at around 8 or 9am, they would take us to the MOIS and, at night, at around 9 or 10pm, they would return us to Lakan Prison. We were in the general ward in Lakan Prison. The crimes of our cellmates were drug-dealing, prostitution, theft, and the like, and some of them had been sentenced to death. 14. The behaviour of my interrogator was very bad and insulting. He started the conversation by swearing. On the first day of interrogation, he seemed surprised to see me, apparently not expecting to meet a young girl. He said to me: “You?” I said: “Who was it supposed to be?” He threw paper and a pen in my face. I was very upset and cried loudly, and said: “You have no right to treat me with rudeness and disrespect.” He again swore at me very badly. Once, he held up his mobile phone in my direction, and I protested: “Do you think I don’t understand that you are filming me?” But of course there were cameras in the interrogation room anyway. 15. Maryam and I both had one particular interrogator, but in addition to this man, other interrogators came from Tehran and other cities of Iran to interrogate us. The main interrogator was very rude and treated us insultingly, but the other interrogators only spoke teasingly and mockingly, but didn’t use obscenities. 16. The main questions they asked in the interrogations were: “What is the name of your pastor and what are his activities? What are your activities at church? Which organisations are you connected to? Do you get paid?” – of course, all my bank accounts were checked – and “Confess and write down the names of the Christians you know, and their activities in the church.” 17. The interrogator used to threaten me, and said: “You’re reckless! You’re young and have been deceived. I’ll order that your feet are whipped right here; I’ll make you pay! The same chair that you are sitting on was also sat on by [executed Sunni militant Abdolmalek] Rigi. But you’re not that important. I’ll get the order for you to be flogged right here.” 18. On the last day of my interrogation, when the video camera in the interrogation room had been turned off, the interrogator insulted and swore at me: “Get out of Iran! Don’t stay here anymore! Go and do whatever you want outside of Iran!” 19. The other prisoners told me Lakan Prison is one of the worst and most unsanitary prisons in Iran. They said: “When they want to punish a prisoner, or send him into exile, they send him to Lakan Prison.” One of the ways they tortured us emotionally and psychologically during our detention was through the body inspection in Lakan Prison. This inspection was done by hand and was absolutely humiliating and I believe illegal. Every time we were returned from the MOIS to the prison, we had to undergo a body search. We had to get naked and the female jailer would search our bodies with her hands. Every time, I felt very sick. Once I became angry and said to her: “How many times do you need to do this inspection?” Then I cried out loud. I cried so hard and with all my heart, and the officer got upset and started crying with me. “I’m here because of my faith, and because I’m a Christian!” I said. “I didn’t do anything wrong! I didn’t commit any crime to deserve that you would behave like this!” The officer was very troubled by my words. 20. During the first 24 or 25 days there, they didn’t allow me to see my family or even to call them. But after that, I was able to call my mother, and she was able to visit me. But I never had a lawyer. Temporary release 21. After 40 days, a bail of 100 million tomans [approx. $30,000] was set for me, and finally I provided a property deed worth 100 million tomans and was temporarily released from prison on 21 December 2015. 22. The Ministry of Intelligence declared mine and Maryam’s business licence invalid, so after I was released I collected the things I had in the office and gave back the apartment we had rented. 23. When I was in prison, I told mine and Maryam’s mothers to burn my computer, because all my photos and archives were stored on it, and I didn’t want the MOIS to have access to them. For this reason, I no longer had the phone numbers of most church members, and only had the numbers of a few members of our house-church in Tehran. I called them from a phone booth, and we met. I wanted to let them know what had happened. 24. After my release, I wasn’t contacted by the MOIS, but I felt that they were always following me and that I was under surveillance. In front of our apartment in Anzali, a car constantly stood guard, controlling my coming and going. I was under their watch wherever I went. 25. My family were happy about my release from prison, but alongside this happiness, they were also worried. My father was very upset when he learned about my decision to leave Iran, but he supported me and said: “If that is the best decision for you, then go.” He supported me as much as he could. Fleeing to Turkey 26. I left Iran via a legal route less than a month after my release. I felt forced to go, and arrived in Turkey on 15 January 2016 and introduced myself to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 27. During our interrogations, Maryam and I didn’t give up any information about our church leaders or members, and didn’t cooperate with the interrogators of the MOIS. But the number of members of our church who had been arrested was large and, unfortunately, some of them did confess under the pressure of fear and threats. For example, they said: “We know Shadi and she is responsible for our teaching and takes us to educational conferences.” 28. Three days after leaving Iran, the hearing for our accusations was held in the fifth branch of the Rasht Revolutionary Court. The court summonses for me and Maryam were sent to us, but we were no longer in the country, so the hearing took place without us. The judge of the court, Karim Taghizadeh, on 18 January 2016, based on Article 499 of the Islamic Penal Code, sentenced us to three months in prison. 29. Unfortunately, two months after I left Iran, my father died. I had not yet been able to digest the circumstances of my arrest and imprisonment, when suddenly my father died and I felt deep grief and deeply traumatised. I didn’t have a good relationship with my mother or brother, and the death of my father was very difficult and overwhelming. When I came to Turkey, I felt confused for six months and said to myself: “What am I doing in Turkey?” I was emotionally, psychologically and financially very damaged. I felt that I had lost my whole life, and any opportunities to serve. I felt depressed and very bad. 30. In the “Trauma Awareness” seminar that Article18 organised for persecuted Christians in Turkey, I was greatly strengthened and revived through the teaching of the counsellor, the art therapy, and hearing the stories of other victims. After that, I had some counselling and also spoke to a psychologist, and I am still in contact with the counsellor and on the road to recovery. 31. Although my contact with the remaining members of my family is almost cut off, I serve in my local church and, besides preaching and teaching, I also am active among women. In addition, I have some collaboration with the Bible Society. But most of my activities these days are with the Christian network Mohabat.