A tribute to ‘God’s Smuggler’ 3 October 2022 Features Article18’s director, Mansour Borji, says the world needs more Brother Andrews: people who courageously slay giants and break the bonds of injustice, even when they are wearing the clothes of those in authority. Brother Andrew with his famous Volkswagen, with which he smuggled Bibles behind the Iron Curtain. (Photo: Open Doors International) Brother Andrew, the much loved founder of Open Doors, died last week, aged 94. He was known for his inspirational memoir, ‘God’s Smuggler’, which became an international bestseller, with more than 10 million copies distributed in at least 35 languages. Millions have read about his hazardous border crossings, the KGB pursuits, and his courageous journey behind the Iron Curtain to smuggle Bibles. Like many others, I was inspired by this man, his courage as a radical disciple of Jesus, and his genuine love for people, which took him across many boundaries that others dared not cross. I was a teenager, and a new convert, when I picked up a Persian translation of his book, whose title in Persian was ‘The Gospel Behind the Iron Curtain’. Perhaps it was my inherited fighting spirit as an Iranian Kurd, having experienced the perils of war as a young boy, and now my newly found Christian faith, that led me so easily to absorb Brother Andrew’s take on radical discipleship and bridge-building. What I do now in advocacy for persecuted Iranian Christians owes much to the example I found in Brother Andrew. Serious about radical discipleship In ‘God’s Smuggler’ we meet a young boy who demonstrates his daring and audacious character when carrying out acts of resistance against Nazi troops occupying his country. You can almost sense Brother Andrew’s excitement when he recalls his acts of sabotage: “Everyone in the village was amused when the lieutenant’s staff car began to give him trouble. His sparks were fouled. His engine stalled. Some said there was sugar in the lieutenant’s gas tank; others thought it was unlikely.” A Soviet poster warning against the “religious tricks” of a man in a blue Volkswagen. (Photo: Open Doors International) Later, when he joined the army, after a couple of years of fighting, he said: “Everything we did, those two years, whether on the battlefield or back at the rest camp, was in extremes. When we fought, we fought as madmen… Gradually I gathered around me a group of boys who were reacting as I did, and together we invented a motto that was posted on the camp bulletin board: ‘Get smart – lose your mind.’” It is no surprise that one of his favourite characters in the Bible was David. In one of his other books, ‘No Guts, No Glory! Slaying Today’s Giants,’ he draws lessons from the life of David on how to confront the fears – cultural, political, even religious – that intimidate so many Christians in different spheres of life. Like David, Brother Andrew enjoyed taking on Goliath-sized challenges. His close friend, Johan Companjen, the founding president of Open Doors, said: “Brother Andrew always liked to do unique, often impossible things. If a project was possible, he was not interested. ‘Everybody can do that,’ he would often say. However, when he heard the word ‘impossible’ he was very excited.” Despite his obvious gallantry, Brother Andrew shouldn’t be viewed as reckless, as he balanced his valour with practical astuteness. It was for this reason that he changed his name from Anne van der Bijl to simply ‘Brother Andrew’, in order to protect his identity when he smuggled Bibles in his famous blue Volkswagen. ‘God’s Smuggler’ is full of exciting stories of how he outwitted many guards – of course with the help of prayer, as he stresses. But Brother Andrew was prepared not only on practical levels, but also theoretically. The two words, ‘God’ and ‘Smuggler’, don’t sit comfortably together for a lot of Christians. For many, the ‘smuggling’ of anything is seen as unethical. That is precisely why in his 1977 book, Brother Andrew spoke about the “ethics of smuggling”. Using biblical examples, he made a case for smuggling Bibles into places where it is dangerous, or even illegal, in order to follow your conscience. He argued that some situations call for obedience to a higher law. It was his obedience to this higher law that turned the adventurous teenager with a fighting spirit into a hugely influential figure and celebrated Christian hero. In recognition of his lifetime of service to the persecuted Church, and passion for spreading the gospel, Brother Andrew was knighted by Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands in 1993. Four years later, he also received the World Evangelical Fellowship’s Religious Liberty Award. Serious about bridge-building Not many faith leaders are able to build bridges with people of other faiths, let alone among the many different Christian denominations. However, Brother Andrew had a unique ability to make this happen; to “break through the lines”, in the words of the Apache native-American tribe who welcomed him as a ‘Blood Brother’. As part of the ceremony in the 1980s, of which Brother Andrew was immensely proud, he was given an Apache name which, when translated, meant simply: “He who breaks through the lines.” Brother Andrew with his friend, Rev Haik Hovsepian. Brother Andrew also displayed this ability in his dealings with the Muslim world, which became the focus of his work following the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1994, during a memorial service held in London for his friend, Rev Haik Hovsepian-Mehr, an Iranian church leader brutally murdered for his advocacy work, Brother Andrew said: “There will be no change in our work in the world and the confrontation with Islam, until we as believers in Jesus Christ begin and learn to spell ISLAM as: I Sincerely Love All Muslims.” He had, on several occasions in his life, demonstrated this principle. Pastor Hanna Massad, founder of the Christian Mission 2 Gaza, recalls: “When no Christians were willing to speak to the leaders of Hamas in Gaza, Brother Andrew was the first person to do this, without compromising his faith… Brother Andrew was not afraid to go visit them and reflect God’s love to them. He said that if we did not go to them with Christ’s love, they would come at us with their weapons. He gained the right to speak to them because of his genuine care and love for all people.” Our world needs more Brother Andrews: people who courageously slay giants and break the bonds of injustice, even when they are wearing the clothes of those in authority. We need more Christians who embrace the impossibles and are prepared to confront the cultural, political, or religious Goliaths of our time, precisely because of their obedience to a higher law.
‘The 1979 revolution culminated in the murder of my brother’ 27 September 2022 Features This extract is taken from the latest episode of BBC Radio 4’s Sunday Worship, presented by Bishop Guli Francis-Dehqani on 25 September. A young Guli, with her grandfather, whom she described as “a godly and wonderful Muslim man of deep faith”. Although I’m a bishop in the Church of England, I started life in Iran, where I was born and grew up. It was in the tiny Anglican community there that the seeds of my early faith were planted. My father was a Muslim convert [to Christianity] from a small village in the centre of the country. And by the time I was born, he was already Bishop of the fledgling Diocese of Iran. And my mother, the daughter and granddaughter of British missionaries, was herself born and raised in Iran. I lived an unusual life between and betwixt the worlds of Islam and Christianity, Persian and English, eastern and western influences. This unusual childhood was what I considered normal. And for the most part, my two worlds of school and wider society on one hand, and home and church life on the other, coexisted reasonably peaceably with some occasional overlap. All of that changed as the events which led to the revolution of 1979 began to unfold. At school, I began to be ostracised both by friends and by teachers, and at home the Church was coming under increasing pressure. Over a period of 18 months, [Christian-run] institutions such as hospitals and schools were forcibly taken over or closed. The church offices of the bishop’s house were ransacked, raided and confiscated, and the Church’s financial assets were frozen. One of the clergy was found murdered in his study, and my father was briefly imprisoned before an attack on his life in which he survived, but my mother was injured. For us as a family events culminated in the murder of my brother, who was 24 at the time. His car was ambushed on his way back from work, and he was shot in the head. My father was out of the country for meetings at the time, and although no-one was ever brought to justice, we’ve always understood that my brother was targeted because of his association with the Church, and because he was his father’s son. After the funeral, the rest of the family and I joined my father in England, assuming that we’d be back home within a few weeks or months. That was not to be and, having arrived as a refugee aged 14, here I still am, over 40 years later, now a British citizen. My father continued working as Bishop of Iran in exile until his retirement, and he dedicated his life to supporting and encouraging Christians still in Iran, working with Persians – both Muslim and Christian – in this country, and writing and translating Christian literature in Persian. … In a mysterious way, suffering can take us closer to Christ. This is how my father described it at the height of the revolution in Iran: “The Way of the Cross,” he said, “has suddenly become so meaningful that we have willingly walked in it with our Lord near us. Our numbers have become smaller, our earthly supports have gone, but we are learning the meaning of faith in new and deeper ways.”
300 Iranian Christians release statement in support of protests 27 September 2022 News Protests have been taking place across the country. Over 300 Iranian Christians have signed a joint statement in support of the nationwide protests, which have been raging since the death in custody of a young woman, 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, on 16 September. The full statement and list of signatories, including 11 former prisoners of conscience, can be read below. It was coordinated by the “Kahma” (The Church is the Right of All Christians) campaign. We are very pained and angry about the murder of Mahsa Amini. As before, our hearts are crushed and bleeding from the countless murders of freedom-loving men and women. But we don’t think it is enough to only express our solidarity in words, and instead want to join in practical action against this bloodthirsty 43-year-old infection on our society. For days the brave people of Iran have come to the streets to take a stand against oppression, tyranny and dictatorship. Men and women, old and young, from different ethnic groups and religions are shouting for freedom, equality and justice – a loud cry that comes from throats full of suffering and pain, a suffocating suppression of more than 40 years. Despite the fact that the regime has pointed guns and tear gas at the people and has narrowed the Internet channel, these days we are witnessing more and more people’s courage, dedication and unification with the intention of a complete revolution; a revolution against oppression, which not only aims to destroy women but also to destroy human beings and humanity. We Christians have not been spared from the brutal repressions since the first day that the Islamic Republic stepped into our country – from serial murders to imprisonment, torture, humiliation, rejection, flogging, exile, forced veiling, deprivation of privacy even in our own homes, deprivation of work and education, confiscation of property and destruction of our churches, which are only part of the regime’s desperate attempt to crush us. We have suffered but we have not retreated. For our Messianic beliefs and belief in freedom and choice of thought, by saying a firm “no” to compulsory religion, we have proudly accepted the punishment of standing and resisting for years, both ourselves and our families. We all sympathise. Our pain comes from the wounds caused by the sharp claws of oppression on our bodies; a body that is taller these days but screams for freedom with all its heart. So we are with each other and we stay and we are not afraid. As we consider ourselves a part of the body of society, and not separate from it, we are still with each other in nationwide protests and for people’s rights inside and outside of Iran, both virtually and on the ground. We continue. And we share in the cost of fighting for Iran’s freedom from captivity and darkness. Elnaz Sa’adatBahman SaberArash SabetghadamPayam SabouriElham SadeghiRambod SadeghianSaba SadeghlooShahla Sa’dipourAzar SaeedianMehrzad SafaMaryam SafarvandiFoad SalamatMaryam SalehiAzadeh SalimHelena SalimiFaramarz SalimzadehAva SamanganiAbbas SarjaloonejadHelma SarmadSana SarmadiMani ShabaniAsma ShafieiPezhman ShahmirSetareh ShahmoradiHesam ShamsNima SharifAli ShiraziChakavak ShiraziIman ShirkaniRoozbeh ShirvanMonin ShokrollahiBaharnaz SoleimaniBehzad SolhjooSoheil TaghadomiMohsen TaghizadehReyhane TalebzadehReyhane TavasoliYashar TayebOmid TayebiHanane TofighiMehri TorabiHasan TorkamanArsalan VaeziBahar ValibeygiBahare VarasteMandana YaghoobiSam YarahmadiHadi YazdaniVahid YeganehKaveh YousefiMasoud ZahediBaran ZakeriAhmad ZandNaser ZandiSima ZangenehTarane Zera’atiKamand ZarabiPiter ZareiParastoo ZariftashMojtaba ZariftashTaha ZarinpourBashir KamaliGilda KamaliYashar KamangarLeila KaramiSahar KarimiElham KazemiShirin KazemzadehParinaz KermaniMaryam KeshvariMeysam KhaliliRoshanak KhamsehHadise KhaniYousef KhanipourArsalan KhanlooPayam KharamanSaeed KhueiniNastaran KhayatzadehRooh KhoshamadiAysan KhoshniatSam KhosraviAmin KiaMeysam KianfarRoohangiz KianiGhazal KianooshradHanie KushanfarShadi MadadiEsmaeil MaghrebinezhadElnaz MahdaviShervin MajdFarzaneh MalekSahar MalekiShabnam MalekMohammadiAylar MalekzadehMorteza MasoumiKianoosh MehrabGolshid MehraniKamran MehryarNastaran Mirza’aghaeiAhoora MiralvandPegah MirzadehAtoosa MirzaeiDanial MirzaeiShahrzad MoeiniAnahita MoghadamSoofia MoghadamShahyar MoghadamniaAzam MohajeriLeila MohammadiMary MohammadiSezavar MohammadiShokoofeh MohammadiSare MohammadpourDariush MohebizadehNiki MojalaliBehrad MokhtariAsal MollaeiHamid MomtazSepideh MoridiAnahit MortezaeiParsa MostafaviAshkan MostofiSepehr MotamediNegar MousaviSare NabatiBahare NaderiAshkan NahavandiAyda NajaflooAtena NasiriKamil NavaeiMoghgan NazmiZohre NejatiRobabe NematiSaman NikmaneshKamran NoorafzaliPoone NooriSiavash NowrooziNina Olsoon IslaniKambiz PakzadShirin ParandvarMilad PanahiAmin PahlevaniSahar PiramFaezeh PourkazemKatayoon PursalehiDavood PuyanfarMohoor RabieiSasan RadMohsen RadmaneshShokoofeh Raf’atiErfan RafieiBehnaz Rahimi SarteliMobina RahimizadehNeda RahmaniKasra RahmanianYunes RahmatiEsmaeil RahpourMahsa RamezaniShaghayegh RamezaniZohre RanjbarHedie RashediMahan RasouliShabnam RasoulpourNegar RastakKimia RastegarAmir RezaeiMostafa RezaeiSogand RezaeiDonya RezaeianGolrokh RezazadehParviz RiyahiFahime RoshanFariborz RoshanzamirRana RoohparvarSamin RoostaeiKeyvan RostamiHabibe AbbasiShakila AbdiNafiseh AbdollahzadehSohrab AbediFarnaz AbtahiArvin AfkarOmid AfsharParham AfsharAmin Afshar-NaderiShahrokh AfzaliRomina AghaeiFariba AghamiriAfshin AhangaraniMahyar AhmadiParsa AhmadiShahin AhmadiBemani AhmadipourBabak AhmadpourSama AkbariParisa AlaviShahram AlipourAtena AminiElena AmiriSoroush ArabniaAmir ArsalanDavood AsadiRamin AsadiOsman As’adiAzita AshrafnejadMona AskariPeyman AslaniFereshteh AzadkiaElahe AzariParham AzarianMoradi AzhdariAref AziziEhsan AziziSaheb AzizniaAlale BabaeiRasoul BahiraeiArezoo BakhshiMehran BakhtiariNegar BakhtiariMahsa BanitalebPouya BaratiMona BaviMehrsa BayatiNarges BazarganFateh BehdelSara BehrangBanafshe BehzadianMohsen BeigiSina BeigiNegin BordbarPouria BozorgniaMilad ChamaniSoozan DaraBehnam DarvishDanial DehghanSima DehghanMatin DehghanpourMaryam DerakhshanNeda DoostiMahshid EghbalniaFargol EmamiMelika EskandariHamid EsmaeiliKurosh EtesamiNavid EzatiShakiba FakourKiana FallahdoostAria FallahiMaryam FalahiKavian Fallah-Mohammadi Behrooz FarahaniHamed FarajiKosar FarajivandMina FarazarNiloofar FarhadiParastoo FarhangpourMahtab FarokhzadAdel FarshadiFereydoon FarshchiParvin FatehRayehe FatehiMobina FathiSaghar Fat’hinejadSadaf FereydooniMehrnoosh ForooghiEbrahim ForootanFarzad FotoohiNastaran GhaediSamira GhafarnejadRoshanak GhafooriNadia GhajarlooFarnoosh GhalandarniaTara GhanbariSharareh GharibAnooshe GharibanRaha GhasemiHadis GhashghaeiParia GhazizadehReza Ghodsi GhomiAmir GhorbaniNaghme GolestaniMehran GolrokhNima GoodarziSadegh HaghaniNazanin HaghighatparastMaryam HaghtalabBaharak HashemiSamaneh HatefniaArash HedayatMohammad HedayatForoozan HedayatiAzam HeydariMaryam HeydariGhazal HojatiSolmaz HojatiAlireza HormozBagher HoseinianDorsa HoseinzadehSoheil JabarianNiloo JafariShima JahaniHosna JavanmardiSoheil JavidDonya JavidehShapoor JoziShirin Jozi
Article18 statement on nationwide protests 26 September 2022 News “We, Hamgaam Council of United Iranian Churches, Article18 and the Pars Theological Centre, as part of the Iranian Christian community, declare our solidarity with the bereaved family of Mahsa (Zina) Amini, and support their call for justice. In unison with the citizens of our country, we condemn the systematic oppression of women and the widespread violation of human rights in Iran. At the same time, we demand freedom, justice and equal rights for all Iranians. “We, like many of the people in Iran who have protested in the city streets with unparalleled courage following Mahsa’s death, consider the imposition of mandatory hijab on the people of Iran – representing a range of religious, ethnic and cultural identities – an obvious violation of human rights, and demand an end to this and other discriminatory laws. “‘We are all Mahsas’, and ‘Women, Life, Freedom’ are among the slogans of the brave women and men of Iran, reminding us that we are all together, regardless of ethnicity, religion, language or belief, in this fight against the shared pain of injustice, oppression and religious dictatorship, as well as our hope for life, freedom and equality. “We remember the 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, and other victims sent to their death by this repressive Islamic regime in the past 43 years simply because they were different. We pray for the families of the victims of these crimes and seek God’s comfort and peace for them. “We also remind all our fellow Christians that standing next to the voiceless and oppressed, and standing up for their rights, in the manner taught us by the Bible and the teachings of Jesus Christ, is not a choice but the spiritual duty of every Christian, and a participation in the liberating mission of Jesus, who said in the opening statement of his ministry: ‘The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the captives and recovery of sight for the blind; to set the oppressed free.'”
‘We can’t accept Muslims becoming Christians through church propaganda’ 16 September 2022 Features Rev Farhad Sabokrooh was 15 years old when he became a Christian in 1979, the same year religious fervour among Iran’s Muslims brought the exiled Ayatollah Khomeini back as the head of a new Islamic Republic. From the very beginning, then, the young Christian was swimming against the prevailing tide. And so it continued, as the young man moved into church leadership, running a church in his home in Ahvaz, southwest Iran, for 25 years, before his eventual imprisonment for “propaganda against the regime”. And with Rev Farhad and his wife Shahnaz’s arrest at Christmas 2011 also came the forced closure of their church, and all their years of hard work. Rev Farhad called it “the worst feeling I have ever had”, to think of all they had built over the years suddenly crumbling. But, in truth, and as Rev Farhad knew only too well, the writing had been on the wall for many years, the pastor having been summoned regularly for interrogation at the Ministry of Intelligence ever since his first summons in 1994. As he once complained to an interrogator: “For 17 years, you have been summoning me to the Ministry of Intelligence, bringing me here and interrogating me repeatedly. What do you want from us? If I had committed manslaughter, I would have been imprisoned for 15 years, and then it would be over. But for 17 years, you have been constantly interrogating me, and you aren’t stopping!” Rev Farhad’s first summons coincided with the disappearance of the head of the denomination of which Rev Farhad had become a part, the Assemblies of God. Bishop Haik Hovsepian was later found dead, and Rev Farhad said he had no doubt, listening to his interrogators, that Haik’s blood was on their hands: “He said: ‘If you think you can make a name and build status for yourself like Haik, you should know that we won’t give you this opportunity. Whenever we want, we’ll bring the same disaster to you as we did to Haik!’” A decade later, Rev Farhad was among nearly 100 Christians to have gathered together at an annual planning meeting of the AoG at the Garden of Sharon, a retreat centre near Tehran, when suddenly 20 armed agents climbed the walls of the compound. The raid came as a surprise, Rev Farhad said, as the AoG had each year sought, and been granted, permission from the local police station to hold the meeting. Indeed, Rev Farhad said the same was initially true of the church that met in his home: that the authorities were aware of it and did not oppose it until his first summons some seven or eight years since the church was founded. But by the time of the 2004 raid, the battle-lines had clearly begun to shift. Indeed, the arresting agents who bussed every single attendee to a nearby governor’s office – for them to sign commitments to refrain from continuing their Christian activities – told them they had been given a mandate from the highest security office in the land, and that it was all part of a new 10-year plan: “They told us: ‘According to the 10-year plan that we are working on, all Evangelical churches, including all branches of the Assemblies of God, must stop their activities. From now on, your churches don’t have the right to evangelise and advertise your beliefs, especially among Muslims; you don’t have the right to accept new members; you should inform the Ministry of Intelligence before doing any activity; you mustn’t baptise anyone; even if it is an Armenian or Assyrian [recognised as Christians] who is going to be baptised, you must inform the Ministry of Intelligence.’” The nine senior leaders among the group, including Rev Farhad, were told they would be detained until they had reached an “agreement”, though Rev Farhad said “really they only intended to impose on us what they had already predetermined”. “Whether you like it or not, we are the leaders and rulers of this country and so we must know what is happening in the churches, and this is our most natural right,” the interrogators said. “We must know what decisions the churches make, what thoughts they have. This is an Islamic country, and we cannot accept that through the propaganda of churches Muslims become Christians and convert to Christianity. One of the ideals of our revolution is that the rest of the nations become Muslims, not that Muslims become Christians, which goes against the interests of the Islamic government.” The concessions the pastors ultimately felt they had no choice but to make – such as providing the names of members to the Ministry of Intelligence; not baptising anyone without their permission; not evangelising to Muslims; nor conducting church activities outside of church buildings – later “became the basis for the Ministry of Intelligence to close our churches”, according to Rev Farhad. He said it was clear from that moment on that these were “the last days” of Persian-speaking church buildings in Iran. And so it proved, even if the process took several years. On 23 December 2011, as Rev Farhad, his wife and their three children gathered to celebrate Christmas with their church, 40 armed agents, this time, arrived and, again, bussed off everyone to a Revolutionary Court to sign commitments to have no further involvement in the church. And, this time, it truly was to be the end of the road for the Ahvaz church. Rev Farhad had tried to encourage one of his members during his arrest that perhaps the next week they’d be able to meet again, when the arresting agent shouted: “No! There is no more church! The Assemblies of God Church will no longer exist in Khuzestan Province!” Rev Farhad, his wife Shahnaz, and two other church members who had helped lead the church were later sentenced to a year in prison. They began their sentences in May 2013, the same month the pastor of the Central Tehran Assemblies of God Church was arrested, and that church also forcibly closed. So these would indeed turn out to be the last days of Persian-speaking church buildings in Iran, but the beginning of a new wave of house-churches across Iran, as church leaders sought new ways in which to continue their ministries. Yet for some, like Rev Farhad and his family, all avenues seemed to have been closed. “Practically, I couldn’t do anything useful after my release,” Rev Farhad reflected. After serving their sentences, he and his wife were given two months to leave the country, and told they would face years more in prison if they failed to leave, and even threatened with a fate like Haik’s. And so they left, and, in Rev Farhad’s words, “lost everything we had accumulated in 30 years of living together”, fleeing to Turkey, where they spent nearly three years, before being resettled in the United States in 2016, where they continue to serve the Persian-speaking church. You can read Rev Farhad and Shahnaz’s full Witness Statement here.
Farhad and Shahnaz 14 September 2022 Witness Statements For a summary of Rev Farhad and Shahnaz’s story, you can read our feature article here. Background Farhad 1. My name is Farhad Sabokrooh. I was born in 1964 and raised in a family of Mandaean faith – followers of John the Baptist – in the city of Ahvaz [southwest Iran, where many Mandaeans live]. After the revolution of 1979, our ethno-religious minority went through a time of religious revival, and from that time on I underwent special training in the Mandaean religion and began to learn more about it. I loved God and did everything to gain His approval. 2. And in that same year, when I was 15 years old, one of my friends talked to me about Christianity, and for about a month we had serious discussions about it. After some struggles, with the guidance of my friend, I became a Christian on 19 September 1979, and engaged in Christian activities from the very beginning. By chance, I became friends with another Christian, and in the central square of Ahvaz we used to sell Christian books and Bibles to people. One day we sold all the books we had, so we decided to rest the next day. And on that day, a terrible thing happened and the central square of Ahvaz was bombed by the Iraqis, and razed to the ground. But although God had protected me and my friend that day, the Iran-Iraq War became more intense every day, and my family eventually decided to move to Karaj. And it was there, in [nearby] Tehran, that I got to know the Assemblies of God [AoG] denomination, and learned more about Christianity. Church in Ahvaz 3. After the war ended, we returned to Ahvaz, where for a while I held meetings with a few other Christians at my office, on Fridays, when the office was closed. After some time, the number of members of our group increased, so one of the leaders of the AoG [from Tehran] came to lead us, and for two years we met at the home he had rented, before he was arrested and imprisoned by the security forces and eventually expelled from Ahvaz. A second pastor then came from the AoG [in Tehran] and he also led our church for about two years, before he was also expelled from Ahvaz after being arrested and imprisoned by the Ministry of Intelligence and Security [MOIS]. 4. Myself and some other members of the group continued to lead our meetings, but we had no ordained minister. So, Bishop Haik Hovsepian, who was the supervisor of the churches in our denomination, and other members of the leadership board of the Council of AoG churches, invited us to Tehran to participate in a decision-making meeting. And in that meeting, I was entrusted with the responsibility of our church. I was the youngest member of our church, but I obeyed the decision of the leaders and began to lead our meetings. Then, after six months and further evaluations of the way our church was being run, the AoG’s Council of Ministers invited me to work as a full-time pastor. I was about 22 or 23 years old at that time, and I was eager and zealous to serve, even though I had little experience. Half of my time I was active in the church, and the other half I worked for a company affiliated with the Ministry of Housing. 5. I met Shahnaz at the very beginning of my Christian activities, and we got married. We have two sons named Samuel and Emmanuel, and a daughter named Angel. Our house became a house-church, and each of us was involved in the running of it. Shahnaz 6. My name is Shahnaz Jizan and I was born in Ahvaz in 1961, in a Mandaean family. I was religious, but I was also interested in comparing my own beliefs with those of other religions, and in 1982 I received a Bible and some other Christian books and started studying them. I corresponded with an address in Tehran, and they sent me lessons on Christian teachings, and I studied them. This process continued until the beginning of 1983, when these Christian beliefs were completely embedded in me and I believed in Christ. After some time, I became acquainted with a church on the outskirts of Ahvaz, which was held in the home of one of the members. It was a remote area, far from urban amenities, but the people living there treated us with kindness, hospitality and respect. Then, two years after I joined the church, we moved to a more accessible place in the city, and travelling there became easier. Attending church worship meetings helped deepen and strengthen my faith. 7. However, the local Mandaean religious leaders were very upset with us and with other relatives of ours who had also become Christians. They wrote an official notice, officially banning us from entering the temple and other sacred places; we couldn’t even attend weddings or funerals. But our families accepted our Christian status; they saw the positive changes in us, and this is why they not only didn’t reject us, but actually became our supporters and defenders. Our neighbours also knew we were Christians and treated us with respect. 8. Many people and entire families – even extended families – became Christians in Ahvaz and the surrounding area. Many were healed, and many were freed from drug addiction. Couples that were in the process of a divorce were reconciled, and we witnessed the healing of many other relationships within families. Our church grew rapidly, and we were very encouraged and happy, and continued to engage in Christian activities with strength and pride, but the Ministry of Intelligence became concerned at seeing such growth. First summons and arrest Farhad 9. Our church had been held at our home for many years, and the authorities had known about this and hadn’t opposed it, until one day, in 1994, when I was summoned to the Ministry of Intelligence “to answer some questions”. Until this moment, although they wouldn’t give us official permission to build or rent a church building, our house-church and several others in cities such as Shahinshahr, Karaj, Tehran and Mashhad, which were operating in the same way under the supervision of the AoG Council, were allowed to operate unofficially. But now the interrogator told me: “You must close your church.” I said: “A church is the house of God; I don’t have the authority to close it! It’s true that church services take place in our home, but it isn’t only our home; it’s a church! If you insist the church must close, you will have to do it yourself.” The interrogator, who didn’t want the responsibility of closing the church to fall on them, threatened me a lot and said: “Take some rest, think about it, and we’ll summon you to come here again in two days. But this time, come back knowing that you will have to sign a commitment promising to close the church.” I insisted that I wouldn’t, but two days later they called me again and summoned me. So I went back to the Ministry of Intelligence, but again resisted their pressure. The interrogator said: “The warrant for your arrest and imprisonment is on the table! If you don’t sign this agreement to close the church, we’ll take you to prison!” I replied that I was ready to go to prison. 10. I was blindfolded, and put in a car with tinted windows. They took me to a detention centre, which I later found out belonged to the Ministry of Intelligence, and there I was interrogated. The interrogations were intense, and long. The interrogator’s focus was on these issues: “You have no right to allow Muslim-born and Persian-speaking people into your church; Christianity is for Armenians and Assyrians.” I opposed this way of thinking, and said: “Based on our beliefs and the Bible, we are not permitted to stop anyone from entering the church.” 11. A few days before my arrest, Bishop Haik Hovsepian had disappeared, and no-one knew what had happened to him. Then, during the interrogations, the interrogator said something strange. He said: “Maybe you want to make yourself a hero, like those who went to prison or were killed, and to make a name for yourself?” I replied: “No! I am not someone who wants to make a name and build status for myself. I am a Christian pastor who only wants to continue with his activities.” But the interrogator’s response worried me. He said: “If you think you can make a name and build status for yourself like Haik, you should know that we won’t give you this opportunity. Whenever we want, we’ll bring the same disaster to you as we did to Haik!” So when we later discovered that Haik had been killed, I knew for sure that his martyrdom was the work of the Ministry of Intelligence. After four days, I was released from prison, and I returned home without signing any commitment. 12. During my first three days in detention, they subjected me to about six or seven intense interrogation sessions, and on the third day they took me and shaved my head, and gave me prison clothes to wear. This caused me more mental and emotional pressure. However, I still refused to sign any commitment. Maybe they wanted to make me think that I would be there forever, and that it wasn’t only a temporary detention. But on the fourth day, they came to my cell and said: “Change your clothes.” I thought to myself that maybe they wanted to take me to the court, or to another prison. I changed back into my clothes, which they had returned to me, and then they blindfolded me and put me in a car. We left the detention centre, and the car went along for a while; I felt that they were trying to make me lose track of where we were, and that the car was just driving round in circles. After about 15 minutes, the car stopped, and they took me out and said: “Don’t open your eyes! Stand here and count to 20. Then open your eyes, and go.” “Where?” I asked. “To your home,” they said. I opened my eyes, and saw that I was next to one of the squares on the outskirts of Ahvaz. This is how, on the fourth day of my detention, I was released, without any charges or judicial explanation, and I returned home. That day was a Tuesday, and when I got back home I saw that many Christian believers were there, praying. 13. I continued my church activities and was regularly summoned by telephone to the Ahvaz Ministry of Intelligence, and every time they asked me the same questions. At first, I was summoned once a week, and then after a while I had to go twice a month, or once every few months, and every time they warned me that we had to stop our church meetings. 14. In 2004, I was given new responsibilities by the AoG Council. I was placed in charge of a number of other “informal” churches, whose worship activities were held in homes and not in an official church building. I used to visit eight or nine churches every month, in the cities of Shiraz, Bushehr, Kermanshah, Gorgan, Gonbad, Chalus, and Mashhad, so I was constantly travelling. These trips caused the Ministry of Intelligence to summon me more often, and interrogate me as to why I was visiting these cities, and what I did there. The Ministry of Intelligence pressured me more and more every day, but I continued with my activities with the faith and hope I had in God. Mass arrest of church members and leaders at Garden of Sharon 15. Every year, we held the annual meeting of the Council of AoG churches in the Garden of Sharon [retreat centre] near Karaj, where the representatives from the churches of the AoG would discuss the various issues regarding administration of the churches for which the council was responsible. And every year, before we held these meetings, the local police station was informed, so that with permission a large number of people could participate in these meetings. So these meetings weren’t secret; the judicial and law-enforcement authorities were also aware of them. 16. In the gathering we held there in 2004, around 75 members of the different churches attended, as well as many of the main leaders of the AoG council, including myself, Rev Vartan Avanessian, Rev Robert Asseriyan, Rev Soren [Sourik] Sarkissian, Rev Harmik Nowroozi, Rev Omid Azgami, Rev George Hovsepian, Pastor Hamid Pourmand, and Brother Nishan Khachatourian. 17. On the second day of this meeting, 9 September 2004, between 10.30 and 11.30 in the morning, about 20 armed agents of the Ministry of Intelligence raided the Garden of Sharon. Some officers climbed the walls, while others positioned themselves around the outside of the complex. The first thing they did was to ask us to stop our annual meetings, cooperate with them, and answer their questions. 18. Their arrival caused a lot of chaos and anxiety. The pastors and other senior leaders protested their illegal entry, and asked the intelligence officers to leave. They filmed all the conversations and arguments that we had, and said they had orders from the highest security authority in the land, the Supreme National Security Council, to implement this order. Our arguments escalated, but in the end the officers said: “We have a duty to do this; we cannot allow you to continue your meeting. In order to have further discussions with you, we have prepared a ‘hotel’ for you, where you will be our guests tonight.” While uttering the word “hotel”, with a sneer, he added: “We are going somewhere we can talk a bit more.” But we had no idea at the time that they were referring to Rajaei Shahr Prison as a hotel! 19. They added: “Collect all your belongings so we can take you to the ‘hall’ we specially prepared for your gathering.” They had arrived with many different cars and even buses, so it was clear they had already planned to execute the arrest warrant. Then every one of us was taken to the governor’s office in the Mohammad Shahr district of Karaj, where we were given forms to fill in, including our personal details and other questions regarding why and how we had become Christians, and which church we attended. This written interrogation lasted about two hours. Then they put us all back onto the buses and took us back to the Garden of Sharon. 20. Then the security officers said: “You are all now to return to your homes, except for the pastors who are members of the council.” And, together with the other pastors, though in separate cars, they took me to Rajaei Shahr Prison. They told us again that they had a mandate from the country’s highest security officials to discuss the status of the AoG, and reach a series of agreements, but this wasn’t true; really they only intended to impose on us what they had already predetermined. Detention of pastors in Rajaei Shahr Prison 21. When we arrived at Rajaei Shahr Prison, it was night and each of us was taken to solitary confinement. During the next three days of detention in prison, all nine of us were interrogated a lot, separately. To sum up what they said, they told us: “Your churches have no right to continue their activities. According to the 10-year plan that we are working on, all Evangelical churches, including all branches of the Assemblies of God, must stop their activities. From now on, your churches don’t have the right to evangelise and advertise your beliefs, especially among Muslims; you don’t have the right to accept new members; you should inform the Ministry of Intelligence before doing any activity; you mustn’t baptise anyone; even if it is an Armenian or Assyrian [recognised as Christians] who is going to be baptised, you must inform the Ministry of Intelligence.” They emphasised: “We know many people come to your churches of their own accord, but you have no right to let them enter. Tell them the law has changed and, ‘You aren’t allowed to enter’. If they insist, get a written commitment from them that they themselves must accept the consequences of coming to a church and know they may be summoned by the Ministry of Intelligence and questioned.” 22. They added: “Whether you like it or not, we are the leaders, the rulers of this country, and therefore we must know what is happening in the churches; this is our most natural right. We must know what decisions the churches make, what thoughts they have. This is an Islamic country, and we cannot accept that through the propaganda of churches Muslims become Christians and convert to Christianity. One of the ideals of our revolution is that the rest of the nations become Muslims; not that Muslims become Christians, which goes against the interests of the Islamic government!” 23. All of us strongly opposed and resisted what the Ministry of Intelligence told us and, after further discussions, they agreed not to close our churches for the time being, but said we should continue our activities in line with their expectations. We also objected to this, but they told us: “The Supreme National Security Council told us that you reverends can stay in prison for as long as you reject what we tell you, and we will close all the churches in Iran!” 24. We all had different opinions, but none of us was willing to accept every one of their conditions. But in any case, it seemed that we weren’t really in control of our fate. Some of us said that we shouldn’t accept anything the Ministry of Intelligence had demanded of us, and just stay in prison. But others thought we wouldn’t be able to change anything by remaining in prison, and the churches all being closed, and that therefore it was better to accept some of their conditions and reach a compromise. The hope was that after we were released, we may be able to think more clearly and creatively to find ways of changing certain things in our churches. We didn’t reach a consensus, but based on the opinion of the majority it was decided that we should agree on some of the things they had demanded of us. For example, we agreed not to accept new members; to agree that if people wanted to become Christians, or come to church, that the responsibility of that decision should lie with them; that we would minimise the evangelism in our sermons, or at least not evangelise so obviously as before. In addition, we agreed to submit to them the names of the members of our churches, as requested by the Ministry of Intelligence, after discussing this first with our members. 25. The security authorities’ justification for having the names of the members of our churches was that someone who was against the regime and carried out anti-regime or terrorist activities could enter our churches and hide under the cover of the Church, and that if they [the security officials] knew the names of the members, they could identify anyone who may be intending to sabotage the country by using Christianity as a pretext, as opposed to those who were true Christians. 26. We had several church buildings that were officially registered, but we also had churches that hadn’t been registered because they didn’t have an official building, and they wanted to close all the churches that hadn’t been officially registered, but we refused. 27. They also said we could continue our activities only on the condition that we told all the Persian-speaking members of our churches to leave, and that we stopped allowing them to enter. We strongly opposed this demand, and after many debates and discussions reached an agreement that the Persian-speakers who had already become Christians could stay in our churches but that we wouldn’t accept new members. In the end, we also had to agree to their other conditions, such as: “We won’t evangelise; we won’t have church activities outside of church buildings; we won’t accept Persian-speakers and Muslims in our churches; and we won’t baptise people without the permission of the security forces.” In this way, they imposed their predetermined goals on us, and falsely labelled this as “reaching an agreement”. 28. We were released after three nights, four days, and actually we didn’t really adhere to many of the provisions they had forced upon us in that so-called “agreement”. But eventually, this same “agreement” became the basis for the Ministry of Intelligence to close our churches, as they argued that: “You didn’t adhere to the text of the 2004 agreement, and that’s why we closed your churches.” 29. We realised that our official church buildings were in their last days, and that the Ministry of Intelligence was determined to close all of them, but we tried to preserve them as long as possible. During the various meetings we had as the board of reverends and leaders, we exchanged opinions on how far and to what extent we should comply with the “agreement”, and there were many differences of opinion and ways in which we all responded. We were aware that by not complying with the terms of the agreement we had made, the Ministry of Intelligence would close down our churches, so we reminded each other not to openly engage in sensitive activities, so as to not give them the reason they were looking for to move against us. 30. Perhaps the Ministry of Intelligence thought that, under such coercion, they could bend our official churches to their will, even if house-churches were out of their control. After the “agreement”, some of the pastors and leaders who had been detained started out with their own, independent activities, and house-churches grew rapidly. And as these house-churches were held secretly, the pastors didn’t know each other’s activities. However, the Ministry of Intelligence warned us several times, and said: “We know that you do evangelistic activities; you have formed house-groups, and your pastors and leaders are busy with activities!” In general, we couldn’t or didn’t want to fully implement the provisions of the agreement. Shahnaz 31. My husband Farhad had been summoned many times by the Ahvaz Ministry of Intelligence, so this wasn’t anything new for me or for my children. Nevertheless, we were very worried when he was detained by the Ministry of Intelligence at the Garden of Sharon, along with the other reverends and leaders. I had been invited to a Christian conference in the Netherlands, and had already bought my ticket, but after hearing this news I had many concerns and knew I must discuss what had happened with the members of our church in Ahvaz. I had to decide whether or not to travel and, most importantly, I was worried about my husband and the other detainees. In the end, my children and I went to Tehran, and attended the Sunday meeting of the Central AoG church there, and at the end of the meeting we were informed that those detained had been released. On the one hand we were happy, and on the other hand we were very sad when we learned about the “agreement”. It was a complex situation. From that day forward, my husband and I, our children and our church members constantly anticipated the next unpredictable act of the Ministry of Intelligence. Farhad 32. Being detained by the Ministry of Intelligence had become normal for me and my family. During our detention in Rajaei Shahr, I was worried about my wife, Shahnaz, my children, and our church members, but I was sure that our detention wouldn’t last long. What occupied my mind was the preservation of the life of the Church in Iran. My mind was busy with the question of what measures should be taken by the churches under these circumstances. The nine of us who had been detained had been held in solitary confinement and therefore hadn’t had the opportunity to exchange thoughts, console or strengthen one another. 33. Before I was arrested at the Garden of Sharon, Ministry of Intelligence agents in Ahvaz had told me in the interrogation sessions to which I was summoned: “The place you call a church is a residential house; not a church! It is illegal to use it in this way! You must close the church that meets in your house!” But I answered: “We want to have a place to meet legally, but you still haven’t passed the parliamentary bill that would allow us to obtain an official licence to operate, and have left this issue undecided, so it’s your problem that you haven’t clarified the role of minorities yet!” They also accepted that the legal problem was theirs, and said that was why they had allowed us to continue to meet in our home until that moment. But after what happened to me and the other leaders [at the Garden of Sharon], I realised how much more possible it would be for them to close our church in Ahvaz if the Ministry of Intelligence was also determined to close the official churches. Day by day, the number of Christians in our church increased, and the Ministry of Intelligence was worried about the extensive services of our church. In Ahvaz, we didn’t proceed according to the “agreement” we had made, and that’s why the first church that they closed, in 2011, was our Ahvaz church. Earlier, the Ministry of Intelligence had contacted Reverend Sourik, the head of the AoG Council, and said: “Mr Reverend, control the Ahvaz church and Farhad’s activities! They are pushing the boundaries a lot! The case against them is thick!” Christmas arrest and closure of church 34. My wife and I led our house-church in Ahvaz for about 25 years in all, and in these years I was regularly summoned to the Ministry of Intelligence. I remember saying to my interrogator one day: “For 17 years, you have been summoning me to the Ministry of Intelligence, bringing me here and interrogating me repeatedly. What do you want from us? If I had committed manslaughter, I would have been imprisoned for 15 years, and then it would be over. But for 17 years, you have been constantly interrogating me, and you aren’t stopping!” The interrogator laughed and said: “Well, if you wait, you will see that this too will come to an end!” After this conversation, they didn’t bother me for a while. 35. But in 2011, as Christmas approached, I remember saying to my wife one day, after returning from visiting a church in Bushehr: “I feel that the days of my arrest are approaching. I think they’ll call me soon and I won’t come back. So, if this happens, I leave the responsibility of our children and our church to you.” 36. Then, on 23 December 2011, we gathered together with our church members to celebrate Christmas, and about an hour after worshipping together, the bell rang. We thought it was another member of the church, but the member who opened the door told us: “The intelligence agents have arrived!” Before ringing the doorbell, some agents had climbed the wall of our house. They surrounded the house and even shut off the road on both sides. There must have been around 40 agents, and they introduced themselves as belonging to the Ministry of Intelligence. They wore tinted glasses and balaclavas to cover their faces. Three of them had cameras, and filmed what they did. First of all, they confiscated all our mobile phones, and separated the men from the women. I said to the person who seemed to be in charge: “I know you have come here to close this church and deal with the person responsible for it. I am in charge of this church, so please don’t do anything to the rest of the people here. Let them go.” At that moment, the idea that our church would be closed after all our years of hard work was the worst feeling I have ever had. The agents searched the whole house in a brutal way, and confiscated many things, such as our computer, Bibles, videos, and cassette tapes. 37. One of the members of our church was a lady who had become pregnant after many years of trying, and she was in the early, critical months, and wasn’t in a good condition. With the agents’ raid, she was shocked and fainted. We were very worried about her. The children were also crying and screaming, and didn’t know the reason the agents had entered, and why they looked the way they did. The agents had created a really horrible and terrifying atmosphere; all of us were anxious and worried. One of the agents went to my wife, Shahnaz, and said: “Put a headscarf on!” My wife said: “This is our house; I don’t wear a headscarf here. You came here, and you aren’t a mahram [member of the family in whose presence, under Islamic guidance, a headcovering is not necessary], so you should leave as soon as possible.” The agent raised a gun to my wife, and said: “If you don’t put your headscarf on, I’ll beat you with this gun!” My son Emmanuel couldn’t bear it, and got into a fight with the agent. If the other agents hadn’t separated them, Emmanuel would have been seriously injured. 38. The members of the church who were present at the Christmas party were put on the buses the agents had brought with them, and taken to the Revolutionary Court. They interrogated every one of them for about three hours, and got written commitments from them that they would go to court or to the offices of the Ministry of intelligence for questioning whenever they were summoned. They were released only after signing these written commitments. 39. The officers had an arrest warrant for me, my wife Shahnaz, and our children, Emmanuel, who was 21 years old at the time, and Angel, who was 19, along with two men who also helped lead our church, Nasser Zamen-Dezfuli and Davoud Alijani. One of the intelligence agents said: “If you don’t resist, and cooperate with us, we won’t take Emmanuel and Angel to prison, for now at least.” Shahnaz and I were then put into a car with tinted windows, and blindfolded, and the two other leaders of the church were taken away in another car. 40. Myself, Shahnaz and the two other church leaders were first taken to the Revolutionary Court. After our church members had been interrogated and made their commitments, I said goodbye to them and said to some of them: “God-willing, we’ll see each other soon; if not this week, we’ll continue our meetings again next week.” But the agent who was responsible for arresting us said: “No! There is no more church! The Assemblies of God Church will no longer exist in Khuzestan Province!” Hearing this placed a heavy burden upon my heart; I was deeply saddened, and it was hard to accept this. Shahnaz 41. During the sweet and pleasant moments of Christmas, for which we had been preparing for months, the agents brutally entered our house and completely ransacked it. All the children of our Sunday school were scared, and crying. After pushing us around, one of the agents said: “We’re going to take you and Farhad, and I’m not sure when you’ll return home, so make sure you children understand this!” So I told my children: “Take care of each other, and protect our home and life until we return. Don’t worry about us; be sure that God will help us, and that this issue will be resolved.” My daughter, Angel, cried, and I told her: “My daughter, we must stand strong on this path that we have chosen, until the end. Make your heart strong, don’t let yourself down, and stand firm until we see what will happen.” 42. Every time the Ministry of Intelligence had previously summoned my husband Farhad for interrogation, I had tried to comfort my children, and they had seen my courage and resistance, and were encouraged. But this was the first time that both my husband and I had been detained, and as a result I saw that my children were more stressed and worried than ever before. One of our relatives came to our house to take care of them during the 10 days of my detention at the Ministry of Intelligence. Later, I learned that my daughter would sit in a corner, not eating, due to her anxiety and worry. As a result, she had even fallen ill, and had to be taken to the hospital. 43. After making their commitments in the courthouse, our church members went back to our house, where our church meetings were held. They were used to going there every day. But the Ministry of Intelligence summoned them again and told them that they had made their commitments and mustn’t go to Farhad and Shahnaz’s house again, under any circumstances. They answered: “The parents of these children are now in prison, so we are going there for the children.” Interrogations in Ministry of Intelligence detention centre 44. They took me out of the car and led me somewhere, blindfolded. One of the agents said: “You have entered the security prison.” They took me into a dark and small cell. I felt extremely scared, and said to myself: “Shahnaz, you’re here now because of the faith you have stood for, for years. All the things you learned and all the things you talked about with others, what God said in His Word, is happening to you now. So stand up for your faith, and know that you are only experiencing the things you have taught others to expect.” These thoughts helped me to get through those difficult days in detention. 45. After three days, I told them that I needed to talk to my children. “I still don’t know why I was arrested!” I said. “My husband has also been arrested; you can interrogate him, but let me be with my children!” The interrogator said: “You’re here for the crime of Christianity!” They demanded that Farhad and I write down the names of our church members in Ahvaz, and also in the other cities where Farhad supervised churches. They said: “You have overstepped the limits we set for you! You have rebelled! We will not allow you to convert Muslims to Christianity!” 46. The interrogator told me: “You can no longer have a church in Ahvaz! Why do you stay in Ahvaz? Go to the church in Tehran! It’s bigger there, and the scope for Christian activities is greater; you can no longer live here!” I said: “We are from Ahvaz! How can we live anywhere else?” What the interrogator was suggesting was very painful and difficult to hear. We and our church members were like family; we loved each other. They were a brave family, too, who were by our side until the last moment, and didn’t leave us on our own. 47. I prayed regularly during my detention, and one day I heard the voice of God inside me, saying: “Those who wait on the Lord will not be put to shame.” I was encouraged, and my hope was restored. Later, I realised that not only had our church members not turned away from their faith, but the news of our arrest had actually spread and many people had as a result become eager to hear more about Christianity, and even became Christians. 48. In the detention centre, they played the call to prayer and it was very loud. I didn’t sleep well. Meanwhile, from the words that were written on the walls of my cell, I realised that other Christian prisoners had been detained there before me. When Farhad and the two other leaders from our church were being interrogated, I could hear it, but when the interrogator began to shout, they would turn up the volume of the television they had so that other prisoners couldn’t hear him. Once, I heard Farhad being interrogated from early in the morning until 10 or 11 at night, and I became very worried that the interrogators planned to interrogate us for such long hours every day. 49. In actual fact, I was taken for interrogations every other day. Once, at around 10 o’clock at night, they took me to the prosecutor’s office, where they put a sheet of paper in front of me with questions written on it. I was surprised, because all the questions were the same ones I’d already answered. I said: “I already answered these questions! Why do you want me to answer them again?” The man standing behind me said: “Don’t turn around! The prosecutor of your case is here, so you have to answer these questions.” 50. After I was released I found out that the Ministry of Intelligence had regularly summoned Emmanuel and Angel during my detention, and interrogated them about the photos they had found on our computer, demanding they identify people. Farhad 51. They took me, blindfolded, to a cell in the detention centre of the Ministry of Intelligence. It was around 1 or 2pm. In that cell, the light was constantly on, and you could only guess the time of day by the meals you were brought. The call to prayer was played unusually loudly. I would go to sleep late at night and be awoken at 4 in the morning with the loud call to prayer. Then, from 6 in the morning until the end of the day, they kept a television on extremely loudly, depriving prisoners of comfort and peace. Meanwhile, the screams of other prisoners enduring torture made me anxious and worried about what would happen to me. 52. The thoughts that went through my mind during my time in that cell were: will we no longer have a church? Is it possible there can be another solution, and that we can find a way of keeping the church alive? But I knew in my heart that this was the end of the road and that they were going to close the church. I had a strange sadness in my heart. In the solitude of solitary confinement, I anticipated possible questions from the interrogators and considered what answers I might give to avoid causing harm to our church. 53. I experienced many inner conflicts, challenges and struggles during those days. Sometimes, while praying, I would ask God: “Why did you allow me to be arrested?” But the struggles, wrestles and battles that I had with myself, and with God, made me remember His promises in the Bible. Firstly, I regularly remembered the story of the apostles of Christ who were praying in prison, and how the prison doors were opened and they were freed. What a testimony, and what an incredible thing to have happened! In my first days in detention, I was constantly anticipating that such a miraculous event would take place for me, that I would be released from prison in an amazing way, and that this would be an encouragement and testimony for myself and other believers. But after two, four, five and 10 days passed, I gradually understood that this wasn’t going to happen in my case, and I asked God why this miracle hadn’t happened. It was then that I realised that I must deal with difficulties more realistically, and understand that miracles won’t always happen – at least not every time – and that sometimes God allows things to take their natural course. Temporary release 54. I was detained in the Ministry of ّIntelligence detention centre for two months. I was interrogated for about 10 to 12 hours every other day, and the interrogations were intense. The interrogator threatened me that I would face very serious charges and punishments; I had many fears and worries in those days. 55. My wife Shahnaz was released sooner than me [1 January 2012]. Then, after two months’ detention [21 February], Nasser and I were released on bail until the day of our trial, when the charges against us would be heard. Davoud was also released shortly after us [8 March]. 56. It was only after my release that I realised that during the period Shahnaz and I had been detained, some of the leaders of the AoG had been constantly calling the Ministry of Intelligence, demanding our release. Some church leaders had also come to Ahvaz to visit Shahnaz, who was released earlier than me, and hearing this was a comfort and encouragement to me. Forced to leave Ahvaz 57. After our temporary release, the Ministry of Intelligence wouldn’t allow us to stay in Ahvaz. We were given a choice either to go to Tehran, or to be exiled to Sistan and Baluchestan Province [in the far southeast]! So we had to move to Tehran. The cost of living in Tehran was very high, and our church had closed so I had no income. But as it was part of the Council of AoG churches, I started working in the Tehran church, and they did everything in their power to meet our needs. During this time, many Christians called us and comforted us, and we found this even more encouraging after learning later that the Ministry of Intelligence had threatened some of them not to communicate with us. 58. The MOIS interrogator had also told me: “By the way, you should know that from now on you are stripped of your clerical collar and title. You are no longer recognised as a Minister!” I laughed, and he asked the reason why. In response, I said: “Did you appoint me to the position of Minister, or place the clerical collar around my neck, such that you are now able to remove it? Feel free to give such orders to your own religious order, but my title and clerical collar is a matter for the Church to decide on, not you!” Court and prison sentence 59. Around seven months after my temporary release, our court hearing was held [in the second branch of the Ahvaz Revolutionary Court, presided over by Judge Seyyed Mohammad Baqer Mousavi]. The primary charge against us was “propaganda against the regime”, and as examples of this “crime”, the judge said we were guilty of “converting to Christianity”, “inviting Muslim people to change their religion”, and “spreading Evangelical Christianity”. 60. Finally, [on 21 October 2012] the judge of Ahvaz Revolutionary Court sentenced me, my wife Shahnaz, and the two other church leaders to one year in prison each, under Article 500 of the Islamic Penal Code, and issued an order of confiscation for several of our personal belongings, including computer equipment, laptops, books, and educational pamphlets, which were all considered the “tools” with which we had committed our “crime”. 61. We appealed against the verdict, but the [13th Branch of the Court of Appeal of Khuzestan Province] upheld the verdict [on 28 March 2013, under Judge Gholamhossein Zat-Ajam and Counsellor Nasser Hejazian]. Prison 62. Davoud submitted himself to the Ahvaz Revolutionary Court to serve his sentence [on Wednesday 1 May 2013]. Shahnaz, Nasser and I, went to the court on Saturday 4 May, after learning of our own summonses, and from there we were transferred to Sepidar Prison in Ahvaz. 63. They took me to the general ward for men, and Shahnaz to the general ward for women. Upon arrival, one of the prison officials told Nasser and I that we didn’t have the right to tell other prisoners about the crime for which we had been imprisoned. I asked: “What should I say if they ask about this?” The officer said: “I don’t know; think of something. For example, say, ‘I have a problem with my wife. My wife took me to court, demanding payment of her dowry, but I couldn’t afford it.’” I said: “That would be a lie! Why should I lie?” The officer said: “I don’t know; say whatever you want, but you have no right to say that you came to prison because of Christianity!” However, very soon the news spread in the prison that a priest had arrived. 64. After some time, Nasser was also transferred to my ward, and Nasser and I would pray together and sometimes even have Communion together. Being in prison was difficult and stressful, but we had the opportunity to talk with many prisoners about our Christian faith, and some of them accepted what we said. 65. The visiting hours for male prisoners were different from those of female prisoners. For this reason, Emmanuel and Angel had to come from Tehran every week – one week to visit me, and the next to visit Shahnaz. The distance between Tehran and Ahvaz is about 900km, and we were worried about them having to make all these journeys. On the way from Tehran to Ahvaz, many buses had had terrible accidents, and many passengers had been killed. And when my children came to see me, we could only see each other through a screen, and speak via a telephone. 66. In the first meeting with my son, I discovered that a week after I had gone to prison, the central Tehran church of the AoG had been closed under the pressure of the Ministry of Intelligence, and that the pastor, Robert Asseriyan, had also been arrested. So on the one hand, I was happy to have been able to see my son, but on the other, hearing this news was terribly painful. During our meetings, my son and I tried hard to control our emotions for each other’s sake. For example, I didn’t want him to be discouraged by appearing downcast, while at the same time I could see the lump in my son’s throat. Still, we managed to laugh together, and it was clear throughout how we were both looking out for each other. 67. I had taken my Bible with me to the prison, but upon entering they took it away from me. I protested and said: “This is our religion’s holy book!” They ignored my protest, so I said: “How is it that Muslim prisoners can have a copy of their religious book, the Quran, but we can’t have a copy of ours! I am here because of my faith, and this very book!” I insisted on my rights. But they said: “We cannot legally allow you to have a Bible, but let us ask the security officers [from the Intelligence Ministry], and if they allow it, we’ll give you your book.” After a few days, they handed me a book bound in a package, and inside was my Bible, which had been returned to me! However, I was warned that I shouldn’t show it to anyone else, or talk to anyone about it. Even so, just receiving my Bible back again felt like being reunited with a missing part of me; it was such a precious moment! I kissed the Word several times out of sheer joy; being able to read the Bible was a source of great strength and comfort to me. Shahnaz 68. It was 3 o’clock in the afternoon when I entered the women’s ward of the prison. No-one was allowed to speak. A lady came beside me and said: “Sit here for the next hour, in silence. You must not talk. These are the hours of silence in the prison.” I imagined that I would be taken to a security or political prison, but I was imprisoned alongside people who had committed violent crimes, such as murder, armed robbery, drug trafficking, kidnapping, etc. It was very scary, and my body trembled even just seeing these people. I prayed and said: “Lord! If it’s your will for me to be here, pour your love into my heart so that I can love and care for these prisoners, in spite of the terrible things they have done.” After a while, the other prisoners began to say to me: “We committed terrible crimes, but what have you done wrong that you, too, should be made to come to this prison?” I used to respond: “God must have wanted me to be with you!” God had changed my vision, and these other prisoners respected me and were sympathetic towards me. I also prayed for them. So those days were hard, but I learned a lot. 69. The prison was small, and there were about 300 women in it, including some who had infectious diseases. It was a very dirty place, and I went through many difficult days, but God was by my side at all times, helping me and comforting me. 70. On one week Angel would visit me, and the next week Emmanuel would come. In the first face-to-face meeting with Angel, we hugged each other and cried a lot. I consoled her and asked her to take care of herself and Emmanuel, and to reassure her other brother, Samuel, who was studying in Armenia, that I was fine. I said: “Remember, we are here because of our precious faith!” 71. In my first meeting with Emmanuel, I saw that he was very anxious and worried. He said: “I don’t understand! Now that Dad is in prison, why was it necessary for them to put you in prison as well? What crime did you commit?” He had heard about fights and riots taking place in prisons, so that’s why he was worried about me. But I reassured him that the other inmates treated me with respect. 72. I had taken two Bibles to prison. When I entered, they took them from me and told me: “It is forbidden to have these books in the prison!” I protested and said: “You think I can survive without these, but I need to have my Bible! I came to prison because of Christianity, and part of my worship is reading the Bible.” The jailer gently said: “Don’t worry, write a letter to the prison chief and tell him, ‘I want my Bible.’ I am sure they’ll give you your book.” So I wrote a letter, and about a week later my Bible was returned to me with a new cover over it, and they told me: “Please don’t remove this cover, so that no-one else will know what this book is.” But the prison was small and crowded, and everyone else was curious to know what was the book that I read every day. So I told them that it was a Bible, but that, “I’m not allowed to show you what’s inside this book.” But when I left my cell, some of the other prisoners would read parts of it, and then when I returned they would apologise to me for reading it without my permission and ask me questions about the parts they had read. I happily answered their questions and wrote down some Psalms and other parts of the Bible for them. Then they would read what I had given them later on, in private, and this gave me great joy. 73. While we were in prison, the church [in Tehran] took care of Emmanuel and Angel’s essential needs; they didn’t abandon them. Many Christian brothers and sisters asked about our wellbeing during this time, prayed for us, and also supported my children financially. Conditional release and pressure to leave Iran Farhad 74. Finally, after 214 days’ imprisonment, having served more than three-quarters of our sentence [including days in detention before trial], Nasser and I were released from Sepidar Prison [on Wednesday, 4 December 2013]. Davoud was imprisoned until 13 January, until finally he was released from Karun Ahvaz Prison after 257 days. My wife, Shahnaz, was released a few days later [on 28 January 2014]. 75. Before we were released from prison, they wanted to get a commitment from us that we would leave Iran. But I said: “I have served my sentence, and everything it was judged that I must endure has been carried out, so why should I leave Iran?” They said: “You can’t live and work here; if you do, we cannot guarantee your safety! Mr Sabokrooh, if you want to stay in Iran, you will be killed! We have passed on your case to every security office across Iran, so any city you go to, you’ll be quickly identified and monitored, and if you carry out your activities again, this time we’ll put you in prison for five years!” 76. So, practically, I couldn’t do anything useful after my release. In order to secure our release on parole, they had actually made us sign a commitment that we would leave Iran within two months! And after our release, the officials of the Ministry of Intelligence constantly called us and put pressure on us, saying: “Leave Iran! Your lives are in danger and we can’t protect you!” So, we lost everything we had accumulated in 30 years of living together and were forced to leave the country and go to Turkey, where we registered ourselves [as refugees] with the UNHCR. 77. I remember that we arrived in Turkey, in the city of Denizli [in the southwest], on a Thursday, and I was invited to preach at the church there on the Sunday. I was very tired, but the church members said: “No reverend has preached in our church for years! Please preach for us this Sunday!” So I accepted, and after that day the leaders of the church there asked me to take over the responsibility of leading the church. There were 19 people in the church at that time, but after nine months, this increased to about 200. We were in Turkey for about three years, until we were finally resettled in America in the summer of 2016. I have done several different jobs since arriving here, and I am also a pastor of a Persian-speaking church. My wife, as always, serves alongside me.
Meet Iran’s latest Christian prisoners of conscience 8 September 2022 Analysis This article, written by Article18’s News Director Steve Dew-Jones, first appeared on The Critic under the headline, ‘Christians are being jailed in Iran’. Sara Ahmadi, 44, and Homayoun Zhaveh, 63, were unexpectedly detained in mid-August 14 months after their previous summons. Iran has long been known as a silencer of dissenting voices, but even by its standards the jailing in mid-August of a 63-year-old man with advanced Parkinson’s disease, and his wife, came as a surprise. Last week, a 58-year-old man and 49-year-old woman joined them in Tehran’s Evin Prison. And apart from their senior years, these four Iranians have one crucial thing in common: they profess to be Christians. Yet the quartet also possess one crucial difference: in the regime’s eyes, only one of them can truly be considered a Christian. Joseph Shahbazian, 58, is of Armenian descent and therefore at least recognised as a Christian by the regime. Fifty-eight-year-old Joseph Shahbazian, you see, is of Armenian descent and as such is considered to be “ethnically Christian”. The other three — 63-year-old Homayoun Zhaveh, his 44-year-old wife Sara, and 49-year-old Malihe Nazari — are ethnic Persians, and this, in the regime’s eyes, means that they were born Muslims, and remain so, regardless of what they may have since come to believe. The similarities and differences between these four Iranians — and their shared predicament — show clearly that, in the Islamic Republic, neither recognised nor unrecognised Christians are free to act out their beliefs. For while Iranians of Armenian (and Assyrian) descent are permitted a degree of freedom to worship — they have their churches, as the regime likes to point out – they are not permitted to teach in the national language of Persian, nor to welcome “Muslim-born” Iranians into the church. In August, eight UN experts called on the Iranian authorities to “stop persecution and harassment of religious minorities and end the use of religion to curtail the exercise of fundamental rights”. They pointed to an increase in arbitrary arrests, and highlighted concern for members of the Baha’i faith, Christian converts, Gonabadi dervishes and atheists. The experts said: “The international community cannot remain silent while Iranian authorities use overbroad and vague national security and espionage charges to silence religious minorities or people with dissenting opinions, remove them from their homes and effectively force them into internal displacement.” Christians in Iran have seen an uptick in arrests and sentencings in the first half of 2022 – with 58 arrested just in the first half of the year compared to a total of 72 arrests in 2021. Meanwhile, 15 Christians were sentenced in 2021, compared to 25 so far this year. Malihe Nazari, 49, is the latest Iranian Christian to have been incarcerated in Evin Prison, where she is now serving a six-year sentence. Over the past decade, the Iranian regime has closed all but a handful of Persian-speaking churches, and those that remain must prove that their members were Christians before the revolution of 1979, while new members are strictly forbidden. The move to close Persian-language services came as a response to growing interest among Iranians in other faiths, including Christianity, and a wave of conversions, with some estimating there may even be as many as one million Iranian Christian converts today. So when the churches were closed — at least to Persian-speakers — this huge mass of converts were left with nowhere to worship. It was in the wake of this that the “house-church” movement sprang up, as converts and their pastors continued to meet together, in their homes. But these were quickly vilified by the regime, with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei declaring in October 2010 that house-churches (and the Baha’i faith) were among the “fake schools of mysticism” being “pursued” by the “enemies of Islam … with the goal of undermining religion in society”. In the wake of this declaration, a new wave of arrests of house-church members began and has not ceased. Which brings us back to Joseph, Malihe, Homayoun and Sara, the latest Iranian Christians – one recognised, the others unrecognised — to have been arrested, charged and now imprisoned only as a result of their involvement in a house-church. For this “crime”, Joseph was handed a 10-year prison sentence, Sara eight, Malihe six, and Homayoun, two. Mina Khajavi, 59, remains at home for now only because she is not deemed well enough to go to prison. Another Iranian-Armenian pastor, 60-year-old Anooshavan Avedian, is also awaiting a summons to serve a 10-year prison sentence, while another woman convert sentenced alongside Joseph and Malihe, 59-year-old Mina Khajavi, must also serve a six-year sentence. Mina, in fact, went to Evin Prison alongside Joseph on 30 August, but was told she could return home as she was so palpably unfit to go to prison – she arrived with the help of a walker — having only just had a cast removed from her leg after breaking it in three places in a car accident. She may be permitted to remain at home for another six weeks, if a government-approved doctor can supply her with a medical note to clinically prove her visible frailty. Homayoun and Sara, meanwhile, were actually summoned to serve their sentences more than a year ago, but perhaps in recognition of Homayoun’s condition, they were initially told by the prison authorities to return home. So when, 14 months later, they received another summons, the couple assumed they were simply being called to receive back personal items confiscated from them by the intelligence agents who raided their home. Instead, they were arrested on the spot, and are now serving their sentences in one of Iran’s most infamous prisons. Homayoun, Sara, Joseph, Anooshavan, Mina and Malihe have done nothing more than to meet together in what Christians around the world most commonly refer to as “house groups”. Anooshavan Avedian, 60, is another Christian of Armenian descent facing 10 years in prison for holding church services in his home. For this, and this alone, they must serve a combined 42 years in prison. The advocacy organisation for which I work, Article18, launched a campaign last year called #Place2Worship, asking the Iranian authorities to declare where Persian-speaking Christians may worship, free from fear of arrest and imprisonment. In our latest submission to the UN, alongside partner organisations CSW, Open Doors, Middle East Concern, and the World Evangelical Alliance, we again asked for clarification of “how Persian speakers in Iran, whatever their ethnicity, may freely gather to worship, as envisaged by Article 18 of the [International] Covenant [on Civil and Political Rights]”, to which Iran is a signatory, without reservation, and therefore legally bound to uphold. Article 18 of this covenant, from which we derive our name, enshrines freedom of religion, including freedom to change one’s faith and to share it with others. The British Ambassador to Iran, Simon Shercliff, tweeted on 22 August, the International Day Commemorating the Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief: “Everyone should be free to choose any religion/belief, practise it freely, share their religion … and also freely change their religion/belief.” But Joseph, Homayoun, Sara and Malihe — soon to be joined by Anooshavan and Mina — are in prison because, despite what it may claim in public, Iran demonstrably fails to provide these freedoms.
Iranian-Armenian pastor begins 10-year prison sentence 30 August 2022 News An Iranian-Armenian pastor has today begun serving a 10-year prison sentence for holding church services in his home. Joseph Shahbazian, who is 58 years old, was yesterday given 24 hours to hand himself in to the authorities at Tehran’s Evin Prison, and did so today at around midday, Iranian time. Meanwhile, a Christian convert sentenced to six years in prison for her involvement in Joseph’s “house-church” was given a stay of execution, because she is still recovering from a broken leg. Mina Khajavi, who is 59 years old, also received a summons to prison yesterday, but was today told by the prison authorities that she could return home until she has recovered. Mina’s leg was broken in three places as a result of a recent car accident, and she was only released from her cast two days ago. The authorities at Evin told her that a government-certified doctor must now review her medical records and confirm her condition, upon which she may be given up to six weeks’ recovery time before being required to serve her sentence. Two other Christian converts, mother and daughter Masoumeh Ghasemi and Somayeh (Sonya) Sadegh, were also summoned yesterday to pay within 24 hours fines of 24 million ($950) and 40 million ($1,275) tomans, respectively. Masoumeh and Sonya had also been handed prison sentences of one year and four years, respectively, but were permitted by the judge to pay fines instead. The same was true for two other converts in the case, Farhad Khazaee and Salar Eshraghi Moghadam, who again were sentenced to one year and four years, respectively, but permitted to pay fines instead. Article18 understands that the seventh Christian in the case, 49-year-old convert Malihe Nazari, is also now in Evin Prison, serving her six-year prison sentence. Background Left to right: Malihe Nazari, Mina Khajavi, Joseph Shahbazian, Sonya Sadegh, and Masoumeh Ghasemi. The seven Christians in the case were among at least 35 Christians arrested or interrogated by intelligence agents belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in a coordinated operation over two days and across three cities in the summer of 2020. They were eventually sentenced in June this year, and their appeals were rejected just two weeks ago. Another Iranian-Armenian pastor, 60-year-old Anooshavan Avedian, is also awaiting a summons in a separate case to serve a 10-year sentence on similar charges. Meanwhile, an elderly man with Parkinson’s disease, Homayoun Zhaveh, and his wife, Sara Ahmadi, recently began serving their own prison sentences, of two and eight years, respectively, also as a result of charges relating to their involvement in a house-church. In Iran, while Christians are one of three officially recognised religious minorities, converts are not recognised as Christians and are not permitted to attend the churches of the “recognised” Christians of Armenian and Assyrian descent – Christians like Joseph and Anooshavan, who themselves are not permitted to proselytise. At the same time, Iran is a signatory of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which enshrines freedom of religion, including the freedom to change one’s religion and to share it with others. However, in reality, there is no such freedom, as seen clearly in the above-mentioned cases, which all relate to Christians worshipping together in their homes because Persian-speaking Christians have no place to worship, as highlighted in the Place2Worship campaign. Last week, eight UN experts called on the Iranian authorities to stop “persecuting and harassing” members of religious minorities, including Christian converts. On the same day, the British Ambassador to Iran, Simon Shercliff, tweeted a message in the Persian language promoting religious freedom, including freedom to share one’s faith with others and to change one’s belief. “Everyone should be free to choose any religion/belief, practise it freely, share their religion … and also freely change their religion/belief,” he wrote. 🇬🇧 مدافع آزادی دین یا عقیده برای همه است، مشوق ترویج احترام بین همه جوامع مذهبی و غیر مذهبی نیز است. هر کس باید آزاد باشد که هر دین/باوری را انتخاب کند، آزادانه به آن عمل کند، دین خود را در عین احترام گذاشتن به دیگر ادیان به اشتراک بگذارد، همچنین آزادانه دین/باور خود را تغییر دهد https://t.co/pHX3uNJL4P— Simon Shercliff (@SimonShercliff) August 22, 2022 Also that same day, 22 August, which is the International Day Commemorating the Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief, the Secretary-General of the Spanish Evangelical Alliance, Emilio Carmona, wrote to the Iranian embassy in Spain about the cases of Joseph, Anooshavan, Mina and Malihe. “These people were simply exercising their freedom of thought, conscience and religion, as well as their freedom of expression, as defined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ratified by their country,” he wrote. “This case leads me to ask you: if Christians cannot meet in their homes, where should they meet to worship? I know there are many Christians in Iran, so they should be able to meet somewhere. Can Christian believers be safe when they go to a church to worship together?” Earlier this month, Article18 joined partner organisations CSW, Open Doors, Middle East Concern and the World Evangelical Alliance in sending a joint report to the UN’s Human Rights Committee on the situation of Christians in Iran, in which we asked the committee to demand that Iran answers that very question:“Please clarify how Persian speakers in Iran, whatever their ethnicity, may freely gather to worship, as envisaged by Article 18 of the [International] Covenant [on Civil and Political Rights],” we wrote. We continue to await an answer.
UN experts call on Iran to ‘stop persecution, harassment of religious minorities’ 23 August 2022 News Eight UN experts have called on the Iranian authorities to “stop persecution and harassment of religious minorities and end the use of religion to curtail the exercise of fundamental rights”. Nazila Ghanea, Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief. (Photo: Twitter @NazilaGhanea) The experts*, including the new Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, Nazila Ghanea, and the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, Javaid Rehman, said the recent targeting of the Baha’i community “formed part of a broader policy to target any dissenting belief or religious practice, including Christian converts, Gonabadi dervishes and atheists”. “The international community cannot remain silent while Iranian authorities use overbroad and vague national security and espionage charges to silence religious minorities or people with dissenting opinions,” they said. The experts called for the “immediate and unconditional release of all individuals detained on the basis of their religious affiliation, and accountability for the systematic persecution of religious minorities by authorities”. “We are seriously concerned that provisions of the Penal Code are used to prosecute individuals on grounds of religious affiliation and based on allegations that they expressed views deemed to be critical or derogatory towards Islam,” they added. “Such state-sanctioned intolerance furthers extremism and violence. We call on the Iranian authorities to de-criminalise blasphemy and take meaningful steps to ensure the right to freedom of religion or belief and freedom of opinion and expression without discrimination.” On the same day as the publication of the joint statement, which coincided with the International Day Commemorating the Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief, the British Ambassador to Iran, Simon Shercliff, tweeted a message in the Persian language promoting religious freedom, including freedom to share one’s faith with others and to change one’s belief. “Everyone should be free to choose any religion/belief, practise it freely, share their religion … and also freely change their religion/belief,” he wrote. 🇬🇧 مدافع آزادی دین یا عقیده برای همه است، مشوق ترویج احترام بین همه جوامع مذهبی و غیر مذهبی نیز است. هر کس باید آزاد باشد که هر دین/باوری را انتخاب کند، آزادانه به آن عمل کند، دین خود را در عین احترام گذاشتن به دیگر ادیان به اشتراک بگذارد، همچنین آزادانه دین/باور خود را تغییر دهد https://t.co/pHX3uNJL4P— Simon Shercliff (@SimonShercliff) August 22, 2022 Joint submission to UN Article18 last week joined with partner organisations CSW, the World Evangelical Alliance, Middle East Concern and Open Doors to send an updated report to the UN’s Human Rights Committee on the situation of Christians in Iran. The report provided details of publicly reported incidents over the two years since the previous submission in May 2020. Among the new cases cited were those of: Amin Khaki, Milad Goodarzi and Alireza Nourmohammadi; Ahmad Sarparast, Morteza Mashoodkari and Ayoob Poor-Rezazadeh; Fariba Dalir; Anooshavan Avedian, Abbas Souri, and Maryam Mohammadi; and Joseph Shahbazian, Mina Khajavi, Malihe Nazari, Salar Eshraghi Moghadam, Farhad Khazaee, Somayeh (Sonya) Sadegh, and Masoumeh Ghasemi. But the submission reiterated: “We estimate that there are dozens more detained, but unreported or unwilling to have their cases made public or awaiting trial for cases dating prior to 2021. “The list is prepared mainly from public sources and is not exhaustive. Confidential cases were omitted for security reasons.” The submission also highlighted the Place2Worship campaign; the Supreme Court’s decision to acquit nine Christian converts of “acting against national security”; the repurposing of a confiscated Church-owned retreat centre; and the increasing involvement of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in “raids on house-churches and the subsequent arrest and interrogation of house-church members”. Two additional suggested questions for the Human Rights Committee to ask Iran were also included: “Please clarify how Persian speakers in Iran, whatever their ethnicity, may freely gather to worship, as envisaged by Article 18 of the [International] Covenant [on Civil and Political Rights]”; and “Please report on how many converts to Christianity are currently detained and facing charges under the amended Articles 499 and 500 of the Islamic Penal Code.” *The other experts were the UN Special Rapporteur on Minorities Issues, Fernand de Varennes, and five members of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances: Luciano Hazan, Aua Baldé, Gabriella Citroni, Henrikas Mickevičius, and Angkhana Neelapaijit. I & colleagues are alarmed by escalating harassment & persecution of religious & belief #minorities in #Iran (#Bahai, #Christians, Gonabadi dervishes, #Atheists, etc) & call for end of #religious persecution. https://t.co/19H9FAVLp9@UN_SPExperts #FreedomOfReligionOrBelief pic.twitter.com/T2NXsWaCdL— UN Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues (@fernanddev) August 22, 2022
‘You were born a Muslim, Shiite blood runs in your veins’ 22 August 2022 Features Mojtaba Keshavarz Ahmadi’s experiences since becoming a Christian 20 years ago show just how costly that decision can be for an Iranian who is considered to have been born a Muslim. As his interrogators from the Ministry of Intelligence put it after his arrest, “Your religion has already been chosen for you. You were born a Muslim, and a Shiite. Shiite blood runs in your veins, so you don’t have any other choice.” When this is the view espoused by the Iranian authorities, it is perhaps unsurprising that Mojtaba, the son of a mullah, has encountered such opposition since, in his words, he “met Jesus Christ” at the age of 35. After becoming a Christian, Mojtaba says he realised very quickly that, “in terms of my home, family, and community, this belief of mine wasn’t acceptable”. “It was as if I had entered a forbidden path, a forbidden belief,” he says, recalling how he had to scour second-hand bookshops to finally find a Bible, and how the booksellers themselves “knew they were taking a risk selling them, and weren’t sure if I was a true Christian or not”. It took Mojtaba more than a year to even meet another Christian, and through him to find a house-church. As he explains, “The churches I knew about in my city, Tehran, were Armenian churches and, due to political issues – the government doesn’t allow Armenians and Assyrians to accept Persian-speakers in their churches – none of the churches allowed me to enter. “In addition, some Armenians and Assyrians [another traditionally Christian ethnic minority] also considered Christianity specific to their ethnic group. “For this reason, Persian-speakers were not accepted in churches. In general, when it came to Christ and Christianity, the Iranian society considered Christians to be Armenians. So, to the general public, anyone who became a Christian seemed to have changed their ethnicity.” Was there ever a clearer explanation of why in Iran it is considered such a controversial – or, to some, even impossible – act to change one’s religion? But Mojtaba takes a different view: “I don’t accept this notion [that] religion and belief … can be inherited or transmitted through blood. “Religion and the choice of belief are the rights that God gives to all human beings. And I, as an Iranian, believe in the inalienable right to choose the religion I want to live by, and to define my life according to it.” Unfortunately, as Mojtaba was soon to discover, this was not a view shared by the regime. In September 2010, Mojtaba and two other Christians were arrested while meeting a friend in the city of Arak, three hours’ drive south of Tehran, “to teach him about Christianity”. Mojtaba would spend the next 170 days in detention, including a week in solitary confinement, during which time he was interrogated “five or six times a day”, beaten and insulted. Mojtaba was eventually sentenced to three years in prison for “propaganda activities against the regime of the Islamic Republic”, and another three years for “insulting the sacred [Islamic people and things]”. This second three-year sentence was later dropped, after one of his friends retracted the forced confession he had made against Mojtaba, telling the judge: “Your interrogators threatened my child and my wife. They specifically said they would take my child away from me and take him to an unknown place, and that I wouldn’t see him again!” But despite the best efforts of his lawyer, Mojtaba’s other three-year sentence was upheld, and in July 2012 he received a summons, telling him he must present himself at Arak court to begin his sentence within 20 days. Mojtaba says that he longed to stay in Iran, but decided he had no choice but to flee the country. “My mother had died during the court process,” he explains. “Meanwhile, my younger brother was under a lot of pressure and threats from the Ministry of Intelligence, and his life and work were disrupted. My efforts to defend my rights had all been ultimately fruitless. “I had wanted to stay in my homeland. But I realised that my family wouldn’t be safe from pressure and harassment either, so I must leave Iran, even against my will.” So in March 2013, having spent months in hiding, Mojtaba fled the country and travelled to Turkey, and nine years later it is there he remains, alongside hundreds of other Iranian Christian refugees. “After emigrating, for many years I still wanted to return to Iran and didn’t intend to seek asylum,” Mojtaba says. “But as time went by, the situation became more difficult for Persian-speaking Christians in Iran, and the wave of persecution of Christians intensified. “Therefore, I officially became a refugee by referring to the UN Refugee Agency. “Despite the passage of more than nine years, I am still in a temporary situation and I haven’t even been interviewed. But I haven’t lost my faith and trust in Christ.” You can read Mojtaba’s full Witness Statement here.